2013上外高翻直升研究生(保研)英语口笔译笔试真题(MTI)(1)

2013年上外高翻直升研究生（保研）英语口笔译笔试真题（MTI）

Terms:

deverbalization

foreignization

UNESCO

Public service interpreting

Write a summary for the passage in no more than 200 Chinese characters.

For Germany, mum’s the word

If every nation gets the leader it deserves, what would Angela Merkel’s smashing victory on Sunday say about Germany?

It would show that Germans are cautious, prefer consensus to confrontation in their politics, and dislike pizzazz in their politicians. They both want a united Europe and despise southern European states that can’t manage their finances. At least, that’s how they are for the moment. (European politics, even in Germany, are febrile these days.)

Angela Merkel has achieved a rare fusion with a nation into which she was not born. Merkel is the daughter of an East German, socialistic Lutheran pastor, passionately fond of opera, fluent in Russian and moderately good in English, with a doctorate in quantum chemistry. But, as an approving German woman told the BBC, she is now seen as “one of us.”

She’s done it partly through building consensus, which has been her most avidly-sought political choice. She has appropriated center-left positions, like abolishing the German military draft, raising the minimum wage and proposing higher pensions for older mothers. There was also the sudden conversion to the anti-nuclear cause in 2011 and the banning of nuclear power stations.

Her recent campaign, everywhere described as bland, appeared to attract rather than repel. When the Social Democratic challen ger, Peer Steinbruck, employed his “rough, didactic and not very diplomatic” style against her in debates, he was seen as macho-rude rather than plain-speaking. German fans gave Merkel the nickname of mutti (mom), and who can stand by while someone’s rude to another’s mom?

For all that, a close look at the results shows a country almost exactly split between right and left, aside from its affection for Merkel. The combined votes of Merkel’s Christian Democrats/Christian Social Union (CDU/CSU), the liberal Free Democrats and the anti-euro Alternative for Germany party (both of which narrowly fell below the 5 percent minimum that would give them parliamentary representation) runs at around 51 percent. The Social Democrats (SPD), the Greens and the Left party managed 49 percent. Given that Merkel’s anti-charismatic charisma was such a dominant factor, one could argue that the combined left didn’t do badly. With another leader of the center right, they might have won.

That fact, and the “grand coalition” betwee n center-right and center-left forecast by most observers, will mean that consensus will be even more emphasized — as will the continued need

for austerity. Steinbruck, finance minister to Merkel’s chancellor in the last left-right coalition (2005-9), has said he won’t serve in another such government (though the two got along well enough). His reluctance points to a long period of negotiation, probably leading to a submission by the SPD to the necessity of coalition in the national interest, and under public pressure.

The result, and the nature of it, most vividly demonstrates that Germany is the only major European state that is both committed to a united Europe and has a stable polity. Britain, out of the euro, has seen its economy strengthen — but still struggles with a huge debt burden of some 90 percent of GDP, requiring, as the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development has it, “further fiscal consolidation…to restore the sustainability of public finances.” To put it another way: more unavoidable cuts.

When these happen, all kinds of political cats will come out of the bag. France’s debt is presently higher than the UK’s, and the popularity of its president low. Italy’s government, itself a left-right coalition, is fragile in the extreme, hostage to Silvio Berlusconi’s threats of a “civil war” if he is removed from the Senate following his conviction for tax fraud, and to the ambitions of Matteo Renzi, mayor of Florence. Spain remains mired in recession; Poland, whose economy is relatively healthy, still has a weakened prime minister in Donald Tusk and a parliament that will not vote to enter the euro zone.

This means that Germany is not only still destined to lead Europe, it must do so without a strong partner. That partner has been, for decades, France. The partnership now looks more formal than substantial. UK Premier David Cameron and Merkel appear to enjoy good relations —but Cameron is going to hold a referendum on Britain’s EU membership if re-elected, while Merkel has reaffirmed, again and again, her commitment to a united Europe, and the euro.

In a BBC TV portrait of her on the eve of the election, the reporter Andrew Marr revealed that on the night — November 9, 1989 — that the Berlin Wall was breached by the citizens of both East and West Berlin, Angela Merkel didn’t take part. She was in East Berlin, a postgraduate scholar at East Germany’s Academy of Sciences. That evening, she took a sauna as usual, then went for a beer. Phlegmatic hardly describes her.

But later, after democratic politics came to the East, she joined the Christian Democrats, won a parliamentary seat, rose through the cabinet to be Party chairman, helped force her mentor, Chancellor Helmut Kohl, to resign after a financing scandal, and she suddenly emerged as a leader. It was a rise only possible because of the creative turmoil of early 1990s Germany, a rise only sustained by a character wholly unusual in politics for its apparent and determined ordinariness.

Hers is the number an American, Chinese, or Russian leader must call when one wants to talk to “Europe.” Her big victory, more than either of the previous two in 2005 and 2009, places on her sloping shoulders the burden of a still faltering continent, with still vast debt levels, and still unsustainable wel fare budgets. Most importantly, there’s a European population still largely in denial of what they must do to maintain living standards.

Germany did get the chancellor it deserved. Will Europe deserve her?

Write a summary in English in no more than 350 words.

凝聚在共同理想的旗帜下

有什么样的信仰，就有什么样的选择；有什么样的理想，就有什么样的方向。

习近平总书记在全国宣传思想工作会议讲话中强调，宣传思想工作就是要巩固马克思主义在意识形态领域的指导地位，巩固全党全国人民团结奋斗的共同思想基础。这一重要论断，深刻概括了宣传思想工作的根本任务，明确指出了宣传思想工作的努力方向，是做好新时期意识形态和宣传思想工作的基本原则与重要遵循。

理想信念是我们精神上的“钙”。没有理想信念，理想信念不坚定，精神上就会“缺钙”，就会得“软骨病”。邓小平同志曾指出，“对马克思主义的信仰，是中国革命胜利的一种精神动力”。从井冈山精神到长征精神，从大庆铁人精神到载人航天精神，崇高信仰、远大理想发挥着巨大激励和鞭策作用，让我们穿越90多年艰辛历程，写下让世界瞩目的“中国震撼”。

当前，宣传思想工作的环境、对象、范围、方式发生了很大变化。在多元、多变的思想冲击之下，在拜金、拜物等观念腐蚀之下，一些党员干部丧失了最初的信仰，算命看相求神拜佛者有之、心为物役名利至上者有之、信念动摇精神空虚者有之，导致政治上变质、经济上贪婪、道德上堕落、生活上腐化。坚定的信仰始终是党员干部站稳政治立场、抵御各种诱惑的决定性因素。这决定了宣传思想工作的根本任务，仍然是坚持“两个巩固”、增强“三个自信”，牢固树立起实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦这一共同理想。

从诞生之日起，我们党就把马克思主义写在自己的旗帜上，把实现共产主义确立为最高理想。面对全球化、信息化的开放执政环境，处身利益诉求、矛盾问题交织互联的转型发展时期，党员干部更要坚定马克思主义、共产主义信仰，脚踏实地为实现党在现阶段的基本纲领而不懈努力，扎扎实实做好每一项工作。只有把远大理想和现实目标结合起来，才能取得“接力赛”中我们这一棒的优异成绩。

崇高信仰、坚定信念不会自发产生。要炼就“金刚不坏之身”，必须用科学理论武装头脑，不断培植我们的精神家园。领导干部特别是高级干部要把系统掌握马克思主义基本理论作为看家本领，老老实实、原原本本学习马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想特别是邓小平理论、“三个代表”重要思想、科学发展观。党校、干部学院、社会科学院、高校、理论学习中心组等都要把马克思主义作为必修课，成为马克思主义学习、研究、宣传的重要阵地。新干部、年轻干部尤其要抓好理论学习，通过坚持不懈学习，学会运用马克思主义立场、观点、方法观察和解决问题，坚定理想信念。

理想信念教育不仅要在党员干部中开展，而且要面向全社会开展。只有深入开展中国特色社会主义宣传教育，才能把全国各族人民团结和凝聚在中国特色社会主义伟大旗帜之下。要加强社会主义核心价值体系建设，积极培育和践行社会主义核心价值观，全面提高公民道德素质，培育知荣辱、讲正气、作奉献、促和谐的良好风尚。

把全党全国凝聚在共同理想的旗帜下，心往一处想、劲往一处使，13亿人的智慧和力量就必定能汇集起不可战胜的磅礴力量，成为实现中国梦最强大的支撑。这是宣传思想工作的历史使命，也是宣传思想工作的无上光荣。

[保研] 2013高翻MTI口译保研经验

2013, MTI, 口译

之前在这里得到不少前辈的经验指导，我也来继承优良传统，念叨一下今年的保研考。

先说下自己的情况：高考差北外1分，上外2分，实在不甘心呐。所幸最后进的还是英专，专四优秀，六级620+，大二过了高口。连着两年都有学姐学长考进北外和上外高翻院，所以我从暑假开始备考北外英汉同传。叶子南和李长栓老师的翻译理论书挺有用的，但因为北外还要求考二外，我们大三才开的二外课，所以我的大部分精力放在自学日语上了。

八月末觉得自己进度太慢，整日焦虑唉...

九月很惊喜地拿到保研名额，但是北外和上外的复试时间冲突了。因为本校的直升考也在同一周，所以我决定弃远求近，

至少在上海可以兼顾本校和上外的考试。

【准备】剩下也就两周时间，我针对MTI考研的题型恶补了一下百科知识，结果今年没考...面试根据前人经验是中英，英中retelling，不记笔记听三分钟左右的内容后进行概括翻译。练习材料可以很随机，高口，雅思听力part4，TED，中文新闻...主要练自己的框架记忆能力，语言转化和表述。

【笔试】一个半小时的考试只有两个题型，但是题量巨多啊！先是要针对NYT一篇奥巴马的对华政策，写800字Summary。之后是这篇文章划线部分英译中。第二篇中国经济，中译英。我被800字的概要吓到了所以先做翻译，结果英译中字斟句酌耗时太久，导致中译英的时候时间已经急迫。我把最后几句话扔掉赶快回头写summary, 草就之后刚好收卷。题都没做完啊....当天结束心情跌倒谷底，不过我估计口译专业笔试口试的比重应该不一样，幸亏第二天发挥还好。

【口试】有四位面试官。张爱玲老师主导整个流程，一直笑眯眯的很和蔼。最旁边一位年轻帅哥负责放视频和提问。两段大屏幕上播放的视频应该都是高翻院的老师或者学生录制的。英翻中是关于epidemic diseases, 举例对比了SARS 和bird flu，疾病大肆传播的原因和危害程度，应对之道。读材料的外国哥们好浓重的英音，还不是标准RP，抑扬顿挫的腔调让我有些头大。有两个地方没有讲清楚，帅哥等我说完后提醒我让我再解释一下。中文材料有关标准普尔，说什么它在业界占有大哥地位，调低美国评级对抗美国政府，有些人觉得SP很勇敢，但它当初也把次贷评为优良等级，作为公司目标还是逐利，所以要辩证看待什么的。口试一开始张老师就善意提醒，如果有专业名词翻不出来也没关系啊我们只要求大意啊，听到第二段我就知道前面有孩子卡在标普上了。还好我对评级机构有些粗浅了解，一口气说得还算流畅，之后也没任何问题，我就被放走了。整个过程不超过20分钟，完全专业考试，不涉及自我介绍唠家常....

【政审】政审的老师又是一个很年轻的姐姐（从研招办一路到政审，上外遇到好多分不清是老师还是研究生的工作人员==）。几句之后发现我俩真是有缘。我们住在同一个区，她是从我爸任教的高中毕业的，有个好朋友和我从同一个高中毕业。反正整个过程很轻松，都是关于学校家庭情况的，聊完心情大好啊。

【结果】政审第二天就张榜放结果了，上外速度！张榜的时候直接公布奖学金情况，学硕MTI口译11个人里一个一等，二个二等。第一名奖4万，相当于免掉第一年学费，二等2万。可惜我还差一截，进去后努力争取第二年的吧~

上外评选机制很公平负责，老师人也很nice，最后希望对上外心怀梦想的诸位看官都有好运啦！

【附题目】笔试考完上网一搜，两篇都是今年九月二十几号的新闻报道。

WASHINGTON —President Obama’s patience with China had been fraying for mon ths, and by November 2010 he was fed up. Meeting with President Hu Jintao in Seoul, South Korea, Mr. Obama warned that if China did not do more to curb North Korea’s bellicose behavior, he would have to take steps to shield the United States from the threat of a nuclear missile attack from the North.

For the first time in a half dozen stilted encounters, Mr. Obama seemed to get through to the bland, tightly scripted Chinese leader. Mr. Hu dropped his talking points and asked Mr. Obama to clarify what he meant, according to two people who were in the room. The president’s answer included a clear hint that the United States would move warships to the seas off China, a step sure to antagonize the increasingly nationalistic

Chinese.

“Obama pulled back the veil,” said Jeffrey A. Bader, the president’s chief adviser on China at the time, who was one of those in the room. He added that Mr. Obama’s warning prodded the Chinese president to send

a senior diplomat to lean on North Korea’s leader, Kim Jong-il.

The tense exchange, Mr. Bader and other officials said, was a turning point in the president’s complex relationship with China, a journey that began with hope and accommodation but fell into disillusionment after Beijing started flexing its muscles on trade and military questions and proved to be a truculent partner

on a variety of global issues.

As Mr. Obama runs for re-election, his tougher line toward Beijing is showing itself on several fronts. The White House has filed two major cases in the past three months against China at the World Trade Organization, both of which Mr. Obama promoted to autoworkers in the Rust Belt. On the same day as the latest trade action, Defense Secretary Leon E. Panetta announced plans in Tokyo to help Japan deploy a new missile-defense system,

which has aroused suspicion in Beijing.

With Mitt Romney charging that Mr. Obama has not stood up enough to Chinese leaders, China has suddenly become a focal point in the presidential campaign, one that encompasses both security and economic concerns and puts to the test the president’s management of a crucial, and occasionally combustible, relatio nship.

Mr. Obama’s blunt warning in Seoul presaged what may end up as the most consequential foreign policy initiative of his presidency: the shift of American focus from the battlefields of Iraq and Afghanistan to the Pacific Rim, where the United States has shored up alliances with Japan and South Korea, opened the door to Myanmar, and sent Marines to Australia. While the new focus has rattled allies in Europe, the emergence of a

counterweight to a rising China has been greeted with enthusiasm in Asia.

“Time and time again, I had leaders —I mean, I’m talking ab out the highest leaders — essentially say: ‘Thank goodness. Thank you. I’m so pleased you’re here. We were worried about America,’ ” Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, who played a significant role i n shaping the president’s approach to China,

said in an interview.

Mr. Obama’s turn to Asia was not precisely what he had in mind when he entered office. The shift emerged in fits and starts, after a first year in which critics, including the president’s aides, concluded that the United States had been too soft on China. In interviews, a dozen current and former administration officials described a White House that struggled to find the right tone with Beijing.

From his decision not to meet with the Dalai Lama in 2009 to his tightly constrained first trip to China, the president accommodated Chinese leaders in the hopes that the moves would translate into good will on issues like climate change or Iran’s nuclear program.

They did not. China spurned the United States on climate change standards, dragged its feet on efforts to pressure Iran and began bullying its neighbors over territorial claims in the South China Sea. That last development, in particular, persuaded the administration that the time for accommodation had come to an end.

“I certainly think we tested the limit of how far you can get with China through positive engagement,” said Benjamin J. Rhodes, a deputy national security adviser. “We needed to toughen our line in Year 2, and

we did that.”

At the center of the internal debate on China was a president, who despite being born in Hawaii and spending childhood years in Indonesia, is less beguiled by China’s history and culture than many of his predecessors were, aides said. Once in office, they said, Mr. Obama came to view China primarily through an economic prism. He is angry at what he sees as Beijing’s refusal to play by the rules in trade, and fr ustrated by the United

States’ lack of leverage to do anything about it.

In meetings, Mr. Obama liked to tease two of his advisers, Mr. Bader and Lawrence H. Summers, who had helped negotiate China’s entry into the World Trade Organization during the administration of Bill Clinton. “Did you guys give away too much?” he asked them, according to a senior aide, who described it as “a running

joke.”

To some extent, Mr. Obama’s learning curve on China parallels his early outreach to Iran: an initial hope

that old adversaries could put aside their differences, followed by a jolting recognition of reality and the ultimate adoption of a realpolitik approach. The difference, officials argue, is that in this case the tougher line has led not to stalemate but to a constructive give-and-take with a country bound to rub up

against the United States.

“Despite it all, China has been an increasingly responsible actor on Iran,” said James B. Steinberg, a former deputy secretary of state who made a number of trips to Beijing to air American concerns. “Despite some wobbles, they’ve played a positive role in constraining North Korea at times of crisis.”

The president’s Asia agenda, however, raises many questions. With deep cuts in the military budget looming, critics question whether the United States has the money to back up its words. A Pentagon preoccupied by Afghanistan and Iraq has done little planning to shift troops or ships — so little, in fact, that a Navy commander was called to the White House for his first meeting after Mr. Obama had already laid out the broader

strategy.

America’s eastward shift has left the Chinese deeply suspicious of American motives, with some analysts in China arguing that the United States is trying to encircle the country. For all the talk of give-and-take, the Chinese rebuffed Mrs. Clinton during her recent visit to Beijing when she raised the disputes over the

South China Sea.

“The Chinese feel a bit whiplashed,” said Michael J. Green, an Asia policy maker in the administration of George W. Bush who is now at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. “The hope and change of the first year, followed by the sharp-edged push-back of the second year, all of this, to the Chinese, looks like gross inconsistency and unpredictability.”

The President’s Asi a

It is little surprise that Mr. Obama would look east. The president’s Asia, however, lies not on the wind-swept ramparts of the Great Wall of China but in the tropical swelter of Singapore and Indonesia. He identifies more with the languid rhythms of Jakarta, aides say, than with the crackling energy of Shanghai.

An adviser recalled a breakfast at a summit meeting in Toronto in 2010 that Mr. Obama shared with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono of Indonesia, which was so relaxed and serene that afterward the president’s hyperactive chief of staff, Rahm Emanuel, told him, “Now I see what your Asianness is about.”

Despite his preferences, Mr. Obama was determined not to antagonize China when he ran for president in 2008.

Unlike Mr. Clinton, who referred to China’s leaders as the “butchers of Beijing” in 1992, Mr. Obama said little about China, and his thin record on foreign policy left few clues for the Chinese to size him up.

“We tried to introduce him as the first Asia-Pacific president,” said Jon M. Huntsman Jr., who was ambassador to China from 2009 to 2011, before resigning to run for the Republican presidential nomination. Mr. Huntsman said that in exchanges with Chinese officials, Mr. Obama was highly effective. “But the Chinese were perplexed by President Obama,” he said. “Where does he come from? What does he think? He remained a bit of a cipher.”

With the president focused on priorities like Afghanistan and Iran in the early days of his administration, other officials rushed to stake their claim to China. Thomas E. Donilon, who later became national security adviser, spoke of a “rebalancing” to Asia from the Middle East. Mrs. Clinton, eager to reassert the State Department’s role on China, made her f irst trip there.

Before landing in Beijing, however, Mrs. Clinton appeared to sideline the issue of human rights, saying she did not see the value of lodging pro forma protests with the Chinese in return for predictable responses.

(She quickly changed course.)

Then, a few months later, Mr. Obama declined to meet with the Dalai Lama when he visited the United States. The sticking point was not the meeting but the timing — in October 2009, a month before Mr. Obama was to make his first trip as president to Beijing. Officials involved in the decision now express regret for not

going ahead with the meeting.

“We hadn’t reckoned with the way people in Washington set up litmus tests,” Mr. Bader said. “Maybe we

should have.”

The optics did not improve on Mr. Oba ma’s trip, which the Chinese stage-managed, allowing no questions after a joint news conference with Mr. Hu. White House officials said the trip was more successful than the news coverage suggested, but they do not dispute that the lasting impression was of a fast-rising power — the holder of $1 trillion in American debt — pushing back on a beleaguered United States.

Not all of Mr. Obama’s first year was conciliatory. In September 2009, he imposed a tariff on China for dumping tires into the American market. The administration also kept pressure on Beijing to revalue its currency, though it did not label China a currency manipulator. This showed what former aides described as the “Chicago pol” side of Mr. Obama, who views China as a threat to American jobs.

An aide recalled briefing the president in early 2011 before a state visit by Mr. Hu on an array of diplomatic

and human rights issues. Impatiently, Mr. Obama said, “The only thing people care about is the economic

issues.”

Drawing a Line

For a president with Southeast Asian sympathies, however, the tensions over the South China Sea were hard to ignore. At a meeting in May 2010, China’s top foreign affairs official, Dai Bingguo, told a stunned Mrs. Clinton that Beijing regarded vast swaths of the sea, which it shares with Vietnam, the Philippines and other neighbors, as its territory. The economic stakes are great, given the resources beneath the sea’s surface.

“China had been on a charm offensive and had really been making inroads with their neighbors in kind of soothing fears and showing restraint,” Mrs. Clinton said. “And then I think that the Chinese began to flex

their muscles.”

The White House decided to draw a line. Two months later, Mrs. Clinton, working with Mr. Bader and Kurt M. Campbell, the hard-charging assistant secretary for East Asia in the State Department, sprang a surprise. At a summit meeting in Hanoi, Vietnam, she declared that the United States would take an interest in resolving disputes over the sea. China was livid, while Vietnam and the Philippines felt that they had a potent new

backer.

China also underlies Mr. Obama’s opening to Myanmar. During the long estrangement between the United States and its military dictators, China set out to turn the isolated country, also known as Burma, into a colonial outpost. On Wednesday, Mr. Obama welcomed Myanmar’s opposition leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, to the White

House.

Mr. Campbell rejected the suggestion that the United States was pursuing a cold-war-style containment of China, saying that the notion was “simplistic and wrong.” At the same time, he said, “the Chinese respect

strength, determination and strategy.”

Exhibit A in that approach, he and others said, is the tortuous but ultimately successful negotiation over the dissident Chen Guangcheng, who sought refuge in the American Embassy in Beijing and was allowed to fly

to New York.

With China embroiled in a leadership transition, Beijing now sometimes sounds like the beleaguered party. Over lunch with Mr. Donilon in Beijing recently, China’s foreign minister, Yang Jiechi, complained about being pressured over the South China Sea. “Big countries can get bullied by little countries,” Mr. Yang

said, according to a senior aide who was in the room.

But China shows few signs of backing down. It filed its own case at the World Trade Organization against the United States on the same day as Mr. O bama’s latest action. And when Mr. Panetta met in Beijing with China’s presumed next leader, Xi Jinping, he got an earful on a territorial dispute involving tiny islands

claimed by Japan and China.

Looking back, some former officials argue that it was not Mr. Obama who changed, but the Chinese. “People say we got mugged by reality,” Mr. Bader said. “No, the Chinese behaved differently in 2010, and what we

did reflected their behavior.”

11日，来自86个国家的2000多位各界名流聚首天津，参加2012夏季达沃斯论坛。经济放缓，中国能否成为世界经济增长“稳定器”，转型“阵痛”中的中国企业如何破茧化蝶，成为与会嘉宾热议的焦点。

寻求突围：经济放缓需重塑发展模式

年销售额规模从1.8亿美元至3000亿美元不等，近半数为私营企业，超过五分之一的企业一半收入来自海外……

全球顶级咨询公司美国波士顿咨询公司11日在达沃斯论坛发布报告，50家中国全球领军型企业正在高速增长，

并迅速实现全球化发展，但他们面对的挑战也更加严峻。

一些中国领先的产业竞争力，仍大多与劳动力低成本连在一起。随着劳动力以及其他投入成本逐渐上升，中国的

成本优势日益萎缩。

北汽集团董事长徐和谊在论坛上说：“中国由制造业大国走向强国必须发展高端产业，一是占据产品的高端，二是占据产业链条的高端。”随着“第三次工业革命”的到来，以及发达国家的再工业化进程，这些都对中国制造业形成

了强大的挑战。

从在上海建立全球采购中心、在合肥建立全球最大生产基地之一到在天津最新建成世界级环保基地，十年来，全球消费业巨头联合利华不断将其国际发展重心调整到中国。联合利华首席执行官波尔曼回答记者提问时表示，“中国是拥有13亿人口的大市场，一家企业很容易快速发展，但是很多企业都盲目地追求发展速度，而不是质量”。

“尽管世界经济在过去几年持续低迷，中国经济增速也在减缓，但危机中中国实施了稳增长促消费的一系列计划，不仅稳定了本国经济增长，也让其他一些经济体分享了中国成长的机会，中国已成为世界经济增长的稳定器。”波士顿

咨询公司全球首席执行总裁比尔克纳在论坛上表示。

联合国贸发会议９日发布的信息称，根据世界投资前景调查，中国继续在投资者外国直接投资理想目的地中位居榜首。而在上一年，中国的外国直接投资流入量已达创纪录的１２４０亿美元。

权威人士此间指出，中国经济增速仍保持在年初确定的预期目标区间内。随着近期密集出台的政策措施落实到位

并发挥作用，中国经济有望进一步趋稳。

“世界需要中国元素与中国市场，但中国也需要世界市场与先进技术。追求质量有助于世界经济与中国经济的共同可持续发展。”清华大学中国与世界经济研究中心主任李稻葵在论坛上接受记者采访时表示。

破解“发展焦虑”：转型是“阵痛”更是契机

面对经济下行的压力，中国“稳增长”会否再走“经济减速—政策刺激—投资过热—宏观调控—经济减速”的老

路？这是达沃斯论坛一些嘉宾担忧的一大问题。

“中国经济高速增长30多年，每当速度放缓，就会引发‘发展焦虑’。其实，我们面临的最大问题，不是速度，

而是结构。”2012天津夏季达沃斯议题组组长佟家栋说。

发达经济体经济增长变数犹存。但是，包括中国在内的新兴经济体通胀率触顶回落，这为世界经济复苏创造了有利条件。欧债危机仍然会对这些国家的出口造成压力。以何种方式有效化解危机，是与会嘉宾关注的焦点。

佟家栋认为，对经济放缓的“中国式焦虑”，主要是转型“阵痛”：如何摆脱长期形成的政策和投资依赖，重塑经济结构，解决经济发展中的不平衡问题，考验着政府和企业家。

最新出炉的世界经济论坛《2012-2013年全球竞争力报告》显示，中国的排名在经过5年的稳定上升后，今年下降了三个位次，排行第29位。李稻葵认为：“这之中既有外部环境因素的影响，也是中国主动调速换挡的结果。”

“把稳增长放在更加重要的位置。”中央政府近期启动了一批事关全局、带动性强的重大项目，已确定了铁路、节能环保、农村和西部地区基础设施、教育卫生、信息化等领域的项目。对新一轮的中央地方投资热潮，市场给予密切

关注。

多位专家表示，中国既需要保持经济平稳较快发展，又要完成经济结构艰难转型的重任，匹配环保、能源、资源

的承载力，实现可持续发展是道必答题。

走出阴霾：寻求增长和可持续的平衡点

世界经济论坛主席施瓦布反复强调，“未来的经济发展，不应只重速度，更应关注增长效率，这是一个经济体保

持全球竞争力的重要条件。”

人们注意到，新兴经济体大都实现了持续多年的高速增长，即使在金融危机和后危机时期仍表现不俗。但高速增长背后，仍然掩饰不了内在问题。如何寻求经济增长和可持续的平衡点？

“适当降低经济增长率目标，是加快转型的必然选择。”佟家栋说，“从长远来看，不能继续以‘铁公基’为主的投资拉动增长，必须要在转型中调整出生产力，增强自主性增长。”

与一些成熟经济体相比，我国消费与投资失衡的情况仍较严重。培养和拓展新的内需空间，促进消费结构升级是

当务之急。

“目前中国的城市化率为50％，从长期看，现代通讯业等将有很多新的商机。”阿尔卡特朗讯亚太区总裁辛睿杰

说。

2008年以来，中部、西部、东北地区经济增速持续超过东部地区。现代农业、高端制造业、高新技术产业等一批大型项目正向这些地区流动。“未来中西部将是中国发展潜力最大的地区。”李稻葵说。

荷兰壳牌首席执行官傅赛在论坛上表示，“能源是一国经济的‘氧气’、增长的‘血液’。可再生能源已经成为

全球性的产业，中国正发挥越来越重要的作用。”

权威人士预测，从现在到2030年，新能源的消费需求将比现在增长6到7倍。要满足全世界人口的能源消费需求，不仅要加大对传统能源的投资，还需加大太阳能、风能等可再生能源的开发。