第十五章世界贸易组织doc-第十五章世界贸易组织

第十五章世界贸易组织

一、名词解释题

1、世界贸易组织、关贸总协定、交叉报复

二、简述题

1、简述关贸总协定的作用。

2、关贸总协定多边贸易谈判有何特点？

3、乌拉圭回合谈判有何特点？

4、简述《与贸易有关的投资措施协议》的主要内容。

5、简述《与贸易有关的知识产权协议》中关于版权、商标和专利权的保护规定。

6、简述世界贸易组织的主要特点。

7、我国复关和加入世界贸易组织的主要原则是什么？

三、论述题

1、试述《服务贸易总协定》关于义务和原则的规定。

2、联系实际论述中国加入世界贸易组织的重要意义。

3、世界贸易组织新一轮多边谈判的重要议题和前景分析。

四、热点问题

HOW WTO to affect China-US relations

Opportunities and challenges

co-exist in bilateral trade

BY JAMES ZUWALT

First secretary of US Embassy to China

The United States warmly welcomes China’s imminent accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO). Scheduled to join officially in 2002, China will become one of the last major trading nations to join the WTO. And the message to the world will be clear: China is prepared to become a fully vested player in the global economy. WTO membership will generate tremendous benefits for China: spearheading further economic reform, attracting even higher levels of foreign investment, and fostering the rule of law.

At home, WTO membership will undoubtedly thrust significant responsibilities and challenges on the Chinese leadership and the Chinese people. Abroad, it will fundamentally enhance, if not redefine, China’s relations with other countries, especially with its most significant export market, the United States.

One thing is cert ain: The changes wrought by China’s WTO accession will reach far beyond just the trade-related aspects of the US-China relationship, engendering many benefits and mitigate the risks remains a subject of much debate among American and Chinese policy planners, business people, and consumers.

China needs the WTO

China’s explosive economic expansion over the past 20 years is a well-known success story. Fuelled by vigorous reform efforts, growth rates averaging nearly 10 per cent annually have created a vast array of new job and investment opportunities, making China ever more prosperous. The effect of China’s transformation from an inward-looking, planned economy to a more market-oriented, trading powerhouse has reverberated throughout the global economy, influencing everything from consumers’ choices to investmen t flows.

Rapid-fire growth has not been cost-free, however. In particular, it has cast a harsh light on some of the structural weaknesses of China’s economic system, in agriculture, finance, and state-owned enterprise reform. The dilemma for China has been, and will continues to be, how best to keep the dual momentum of economic growth and structural reform going.

In many respects, WTO membership is China’s best option for staying the course, for ensuring that neither the pace of economic growth nor of reform falters. As the world economy has become vastly more complex and interconnected, China’s participation in it , according to the rules of international trade , has become that much more critical not only for China, but for the United States, Asia, and the world.

As a WTO member, China will be able to participate in the formulation of rules that govern international trade and investment. Similarly, it will be able to defend its trade interests using the WTO dispute-settlement system. Chinese exporters will benefit from the certainty that their trading partners must obey WTO rules. This means, for example, that WTO members will not be able to discriminate against Chinese products in their home markets. WTO membership will make China even more attractive to foreign investors. And more money invested in China means more high-paying jobs, more government tax receipts, and more technology transfers.

WTO rules are designed to facilitate increased competition in every sector of the economy. Chinese consumers will be the direct beneficiaries, as competition encourages a large range of choices, lower prices, and higher quality, not to mention a greater awareness, and appreciation for, intellectual property rights and consumer rights. Global competition will foster gai ns in efficiency and productivity, which will strengthen China’s economy over time, and enhance the ability of Chinese firms to take on the best multinationals in any market , in any part of the world, China’s economy will benefit from the expanded range of services—insurance, finance, distribution—which foreign companies want to bring into China after its WTO accession. Competition in this area will in turn stimulate China’s home-grown services sector, giving companies and consumers an even broader

range of choices.

China’s responsibilities

While China is poised to benefit greatly from WTO, it is important to keep in mind that WTO membership does not only convey certain rights, but also specific responsibilities. China laboured through 15 years of tough negotiations, particularly with the United States and the European Union, to achieve WTO membership. The time and effort involved stands as a testament to China’s determination to become a fully-integrated player in the rules-based global trading regime. Although the battle to achieve the victory of WTO accession was hard-fought, in many respects another equally worthwhile but difficult challenge confronts the nation. China is in the process of making enormous changes to meet its WTO obligations—restructuring industries, publishing previously internal laws and regulations, establishing formal procedures to adjudicate disputes, and levelling the playing field for foreign companies. It has agreed to slash tariffs and to eliminate import quotas, to dismantle export subsidies, and has promised to open service industries to foreign competition. Some of these changes will come immediately upon China’s accession; others will be phased in over a period of a few years.

WTO and US-China ties

How well China fulfils its obligations of WTO membership will have a direct bearing on the future direction of US-China relations. It is in the interests of both countries to avoid a scenario in which trade frictions are exacerbated by an inability or unwillingness to meet the many commitments China has made to join the WTO. That said, trade frictions between the US and China will not go away with WTO accession. If anything, they might increase, at least initially. That is only natural as the size and scope of our trade relationship grows. China already enjoys a burgeoning trade surplus with the US.

The US and other governments are playing a vital role in trying to avoid just such a scenario by offering China assistance in meeting its WTO obligations. Our Consulate General in Shanghai, for example, has worked with the US-China Business Council to put together a video-conferencing programme in which American trade-law experts speak to Chinese officials. Similarly, our Embassy in Beijing is working with Beijing University and a local distance-learning institution to provide on-line WTO training opportunities in communities throughout China.

The European Union has allocated approximately US$23 million to bring Chinese officials up to speed on WTO rules and concepts, including

translations for use in domestic legislation.

WTO rules can protect China

China’s handling of trade disputes with Japan proves the country isn’t

skilled enough in using rules and regulations of the world Trade Organization

(WTO) to protect its own interests, said an article in the Japanese Studies

Magazine.

The latest trade dispute was provoked by Japan in April when it slapped import curbs on shiitake mushrooms, spring onions and rushes tatami mats from China .In June, China imposed punitive tariffs on Japanese-made cars, mobile phones and air conditioners.

The dispute can be viewed as an early test of how China will meet challenges brought about by its pending WTO entry, the article said.

One problem exposed is China’s slow response to Japan’s action .The Japanese Government, in fact, started relevant investigations for possible import curbs in as early December. These investigations were conducted in an open manner.

Yet there was no Chinese response until March 27, when Japan announced its non-tariff protection measures and intensified its quarantine of imported farm produces.

Another problem demonstrated is China’s weakness in collecting information.

When the Japanese government began investigations on certain products and made relevant statistics, the Chinese government should have conducted their own investigations on the targeted products.

With the materials collected, China could have clarified misinformation

published by Japan. Furthermore, the effect would have helped China work

out efficient countermeasures.

Today’s trade wars, to a great extent, are information wars. A country can not convince the international community by talking abstract theories and must instead rely on concrete data to justify protective measures.

In the trade dispute, between China and Japan, Japan flooded the media with statistics. Chinese media also had to quote figures released by Japan while talking about China’s export of these three products.

There was no proof as to whether those figures are accurate.

WTO entry means both opportunities and challenges to China. But people are placing more expectations on gains than on necessary preparations to meet challenges, the article warned.

After it becomes a WTO member, China will encounter similar, unavoidable trade disputes with other countries. To gain an upper hand in handling disputes, it is a pressing task for China to become familiar with rules and regulations of WTO

Being blind to the game rules for the WTO will make China ill-prepared itself and lead it to unintentionally break laws, the article said.

While China has been out of the WTO, the nation has suffered discrimination. But fair treatment within the WTO depends on the skilled use of relevant rules and regulations.

Chinese enterprises also must become more responsible, the article urged

In the current China-Japan trade dispute, it was the Japanese non-governmental agricultural organizations that put forward the problem first. Japanese politicians later imposed pressure on the Japanese Government, which finally took the protective measures.

Chinese enterprises, still stuck in the shadows of the old planned economic system, have depended heavily on the government. This situation must be changed, the article said.

After joining the WTO, China must use both government and enterprises to assure international trading justice. The government is responsible for maintaining the stability of the domestic market and protecting infant industries must realize first that their sectors are threatened by similar products overseas or unfair treatment abroad.

If enterprises find foreign companies are dumping their products on the local market or resorting to unethical competitive means, they should report to the government so a probe can commence at once.

After entering the WTO, China must also diversify its exports to avoid reliance on exports of the same products to one or two particular countries. China could easily run afoul of WTO rules without meaning to do so. For example, if China’s export exceeds 3 per cent of a country’s total imp ort of a certain product, the important country, in line with WTO rules, may curb the import of that Chinese products.

In some circumstances, even if its exports are curbed, the punished country has no right to take countermeasures within the first three years, the article said.

An old ailment afflicting China’s export is the price war among Chinese enterprises. To try to win foreign orders, enterprises vie with each other in cutting prices. As a result, they suffer great losses in profit.

At the same time, foreign producers may accuse Chinese producers of dumping their products.

Attention must be paid to this problem after China becomes a WTO member,

the article said. It cannot be China’s response to every challenging market.

Finally, the government and non-governmental trade associations should play a more active role in providing information to enterprises.

It is difficult for any single enterprise to have a grasp of the kind of information a government or private agency can collect, but having this knowledge will help China immeasurably

WTO prompts better business environment

China’s entry into the World Trade Organization (WTO) will prompt the nation to revise its current laws and regulations and, subsequently, improve the environment for foreign trade and foreign investment, an article in Beijing Review said.

China has approved a series of obligations to open its social system. Chinese leaders have said many times that China will strictly abide by WTO rules and earnestly fulfill its pledges.

The six major obligations China is to bear following its WTO entry are as follows:

●China is to treat each WTO member equally. All individuals and

organizations involved in foreign investment, including

individuals and organizations that have never invested or

registered in China, will enjoy at least the same treatment as

Chinese enterprises regarding the rights of trade.

●China is to abolish the practice of double track pricing as well

as different treatments for domestically sold goods and exported

goods.

●Price control will not aim to provide protection to domestic

manufacturers and service companies.

●China is to modify existing domestic legislation and draft new laws

in a unified and effective manner in line with the WTO Agreement

so as to meet requirements of the WTO Agreement.

●Three years after China’S WTO entry, expect for a handful of cases,

all enterprises will have the right to import and export goods and

conduct trade within the customs territory.

●Farm products will have no export subsidies of any sort.

After China fulfils all its pledges, its average tariff on farm products will drop to 15 per cent, while tariffs of industrial goods will drop to 8.9 per cent.

Subsequent to China’s WTO accession, foreign companies involved in services will be allowed to establish equity joint ventures in China which, no longer limited in number, can provide services in some cities.

Five years after WTO accession, foreign financial institutions will

be allowed to provide renminbi services to all Chinese customers. Foreign insurance companies can set up nonlife insurance subsidiaries or joint ventures in China, and foreign businesses will be allowed to establish solely foreign-owned subsidiaries.

To suit the needs of joining the WTO, China has been revising and improving laws and regulations involving foreign trade and economic cooperation. It is expected that by 2010, a legal system of market economy in conformity with China’s national conditions will take shape.

Numerous decrees, regulations and rules still need to be revised for the sake of china’s WTO entry, said Zhang Yuqing, director of the Department of Laws and Regulations under the Ministry of Foreign Trade and Economic Co-operation (MOFTEC). More than 2,000 bits of regulations need to be revised, one by one.

Among those laws that have undergone the most revisions are the Law on China-Foreign Equity Joint Ventures, the Law on Chinese-Foreign Contractual Joint Ventures and the Law on Foreign-Capital Enterprises, said Hu Jingyan, director of MOFTEC’s Foreign investment departm ent.

Hu revealed that China would abolish three inflexible rules required of foreign-funded enterprises after its WTO accession, regarding local proportion, foreign exchange balance and exporting proportion.

Exporters forecast that China’s WTO accession wi ll lead to a new round of foreign investment in China and that WTO entry marks the full linkage of China with the international community.

The Chinese economic system and Chinese policies, laws and regulations regarding foreign investment will become less ambiguous. This will strengthen the confidence of foreign investors in the Chinese market, the article said.

But before this can happen, China’s current policies aiming to attract foreign investment need revisions. For instance, there are some inappropriate restrictions on foreign-funded enterprises regarding buying imported goods.

After the WTO entry, these practices will be changed gradually.

The current system for examining and approving foreign investment also will be reformed to increase the transparency of examination and approval.

After its WTO entry, China will regularly report its changes in foreign investment policies to the world trade body. It will establish a mechanism for issuing policies related to foreign investment, and designated media will publicize the related policies.

Examination and approval of foreign investment will be conducted in accordance with promulgated laws and regulations. The procedures of examination and approval will be simple but effective and the process shall

be open.

Implementation of national treatment following WTO entry is also expected and will exempt foreign-funded enterprises from many problems. This will greatly boost foreign investment in China.

The opening of finance, insurance, telecoms, commerce, tourism, foreign trade, shipping, construction, education, public health and publishing will hasten. The absolute value and ratio of foreign investment attracted by the service sector will experience an obvious increase, which is expected to push up the total amount of foreign direct investment.

WTO entry will force China to adopt universally accepted channels for attracting foreign investment, such as mergers and acquisitions and securities investment. That will further expand the scale of foreign investment.

In a step-by-step way and under the prerequisite of guaranteed supervision, China may gradually allow foreign investors to participate in the A-share market by means of securities investment.

五、案例分析

案例一印度申诉土耳其对纺织品与服装的限制违背了

非歧视原则

案例概述

根据土耳其及欧盟成立关税同盟的协议，土耳其在纺织品与服装产品上与欧盟一样实行“大体上相同”的贸易政策。欧盟根据《纺织品与服装协议》（ATC）对包括印度在内的部分国家的纺织品

及服装产品实施了进口数量限制。作为与欧盟建立关税同盟，在纺织品与服装上实行与欧盟“大体上相同”的政策结果，土耳其对印度的19个种类的纺织品与服装实行了数量限制。印度因此向WTO争端解决机构（DSB）申诉土耳其，请求成立专家小组来调查此案。

1998年3月13日，DSB成立专家小组对此案进行调查。泰国和美国等以第三方身份参加。印度认为，土耳其实施的数量限制违背了1994年GATT第11条“普遍取消数量限制原则”、第13条“非歧视数量限制原则”和《纺织品与服装协议》第2条第4款的规定。土耳其则争辩说，它在成立关税同盟时实施的数量限制符合1994年GATT第24条的规定。

专家小组经过调查后，在1999年5月31日分发的报告中裁定，土耳其对印度纺织品与服装实施的数量限制不符合1994年GATT第11条“普遍取消数量限制原则”、第13条“非歧视数量限制原则”和《纺织品与服装协议》第2条第4款的规定。专家小组否决了土耳其关于 1994年GATT第24条授予它在与欧盟成立关税同盟后可以违背1994年GATT及（纺织品与服装协议》有关规定实行数量限制的辩护。

1999年7月26日，土耳其通知DSB，对专家小组在法律解释上存在的问题提出上诉。土耳其没有上诉专家小组关于其数量限制措施不符合1994年GATT第11条、第13条和《纺织品与服装协议》第2条第4款不一致的裁定，只上诉专家小组裁定它不能依据1994年GATT第24条规定实施的数量限制措施是合理的。上诉机构维持专家小组的裁定：在此案中，不能根据1994年GATT第24条来判决土耳其的数量限制措施是合理的。然而，上诉机构推翻了专家小组对1994年GATT第24条作出的解释。

上诉机构裁定，根据1994年GATT第24条第5款引文，在一定条件下可以根据1994年GATT 第24条裁定与GATT不一致的措施是合理的。辩护方可以根据1994年GATT第24条认定限制措

施是合理的，但必须满足两个条件：

第一，在关税同盟成立时，这样的限制措施必须完全符合GATT第24条的规定，特别是符合该条第5款及第8款的规定；

第二，成员必须证明如果成员没有被允许实施这一措施，关税同盟的成立已经受到阻碍。对于第一个条件，上诉机构认为，在此案中专家小组做出了土耳其及欧盟成立关税同盟的安排完全满足

1994年GATT第24条的假定。然而，这个假定没有被土耳其上诉，因而没有在上诉机构按程序讨论。上诉机构对专家小组进行了批评，认为专家小组在审查措施是否应根据1994年第24条来判决时，需要WTO成员证明这个措施在关税同盟成立时完全满足关税同盟的要求c 对于第二个条件，上诉机构裁定，土耳其没有证明它与欧盟之间关税同盟的成立在没有采取数量限制措施时会受到阻碍，土耳其还可以利用可替代措施，如运用原产地规则来证明达到限制的目的。

上诉机构得出结论，根据1994年GATT第24条，土耳其对印度的纺织品与服装的进口限制措施不合理。专家小组裁定土耳其的行动与它所需承担1994年GATT第11条、第13条和《纺织品与服装协议》第2条第4款规定的义务不一致是正确的。

最后，DSB通过了上诉机构的报告及上诉机构修改后的专家小组报告。

评析

印度申诉土耳其对纺织品与服装的限制问题，属于非歧视原则问题。非歧视原则是世界贸易组织各项协定、协议中最重要的原则。在世界贸易组织中，非歧视原则主要是通过最惠国待遇原则和国民待遇原则来实现的。而非关税壁垒主要体现在数量限制措施、进口许可制程序的繁简、海关估价的方法、手续及程序、贸易技术壁垒的规定、原产地规则及装船前检验的规则等方面。在这些非关税壁垒中，最显著的是数量限制（QRS）。数量限制措施指对出口产品的数量加以限制的措施，其形式主要有配额、进口许可证、自动出口限制和禁止4种。

数量限制这种贸易壁垒长期为各国所宠爱，各国不断用它来保护受到进口冲击的国内工业，特别是农业、纺织业和钢铁等产业，这主要是因为数量限制实施起来较容易、简单，效果明显。但是，相对其他措施，数量限制的保护效果代价较高，缺少透明度，成本难以估量，对国际贸易扭曲较大。GATT一直强调应通过关税而不是通过数量限制及其他非关税措施来保护国内工业，显然，数量限制违背了GATT精神，所以，取消数量限制成为GATT追求的目标之一。

GATT第11条明确规定：“任何成员除征收税款或者其他费用以外，不得设立或维持配额、采用进出口许可证或其他措施以限制或禁止其他成员领土输入或者向其他成员领土输出或销售出口产品。”基于各国情况的复杂性，GA TT认识到，完全取消数量限制是不切实际的，为了对数量限制更好地进行管理与监管，GATT在强调取消数量限制的同时，规定了部分例外，主要有：GATT第11条第2款规定的例外；国际收支平衡保障例外；特定工业保护例外；数量限制的非歧视原则例外。

GATT第11条第2款规定了三种例外：

（1）“为防止或缓和输出成员的粮食或其他必需品（包括纺织品）中的严重缺乏而临时实施的禁止出口或限制出口。”

在这一例外中，值得注意的有四点：第一，“防止或缓和”意味着采取的限制措施可以在事件发生前或事件发生后；第二，“其他必需品”（包括纺织品）指本国可枯竭的资源；第三，“严重缺乏”暗含季节性食品由于受国外售价的上涨而引起国内售价的暴涨而导致的缺乏，且这种缺乏是“严重”的；第四，临时实施指禁止出口或限制出口的措施是临时而非长久、永恒地适用，一旦事情发生转机，回到正常情况，呀袄立即撤消这种措施。

（2）“为实施国际贸易上初级产品分类、分级和销售的标准及条例，必须实施的禁止进出口或限制进出口。

关于该例外，GATT第16条规定，“初级产品”应理解为天然形态的农业、林业、渔业或矿业产品，或为在国际贸易中能大量销售而根据习惯性需要进行过加工的上述产品（包括纺织品）。

（3）对任何形式的农渔产品（包括纺织品）有必要实施的进口限制：（a）限制相同国内产

品允许生产或销售的数量，或者若相同国内产品的产量不大，限制可直接取代进口产品的国内产品的允

许生产或销售数量的政府措施；（b）通过采用免费或低于现行市场价格的办法，将过剩产品供国内某阶层消费，以消除国内相同产品的暂时剩余，或者相同国内产品若产量不是很大，以消除能直接代替进口产品的国内产品的暂时过剩的政府措施；（C）限制生产是全部或主要地直接依赖于进口，而国内产量相对有限的动物产品允许生产的数量的政府措施。

任何成员在依照第（3）款对任何产品的进口实行限制时，应把所设定的指定时期内准许进口的产品数量或价值以及可能的变动进行公布。根据（a）项实施的限制，不应使产品的进口总量与其国

内生产总量间的比例低于如不执行限制可以合理预期达到的比例。成员在确定这个比例时，对前一有代表性时期的比例及可能曾经影响或正在影响这个产品贸易的任何特殊因素，均应给予适当的考虑。

为了澄清该条款，我们把上述对农渔产品（包括纺织品）实行限制的条件进行简化，即限制农渔产品（包括纺织品）进口必须满足下列几个条件：

第一，如果对国内农渔产品（包括纺织品）进行限制，可同时对进口农渔产品（包括纺织品）进行限制；

第二，出于解决过剩产品的目的，以补贴价或免费向一定范围的人提供国内产品，可以实施进口限制；

第三，对国内农渔产品（包括纺织品）实施限制，则可对进口农渔产品（包括纺织品）实施限制；

第四，对某项产品进行限制前，必须公布相关的情况；

第五，据（a）实施的限制，应维持进口总量与国内产品总量之间合理的比例。

该款实质上为农渔产品（包括纺织品）开了一扇大门，各成员可以以限制生产的名义，来对本国国内生产者及市场进行保护。同时，由于这一条款规定较晦涩且存在漏洞，因而在实践中长期被

引用。这些漏洞主要有：

（1）农渔产品（包括纺织品）具体是指哪些产品，尽管用“任何形式”作了限定，但在实践中仍会产生分歧。

（2）采取措施的标准。尽管该款规定了具体的条件，在满足这些条件的前提下可以采取限制，但可以看出，该款条文过于晦涩，易产生分歧，且缺乏规范力度。如何对采取措施的标准进行规定，

是WTO亟待解决的问题之一。

思考题

1、什么是数量限制措施？它对国际贸易有何影响？

2、GATT第11条第2款规定了数量限制的三种例外，对此，你有何看法？

案例二英法等国对日本采用“互不适用条款”是否违背了

非歧视原则

概述

1955年日本加入GATT时，有15个国家由于担心日本物美价廉的纺织品会对国内的纺织品行业造成损害，于是对日本援引互不适用条款，这些国家包括英国、法国及它们的附属国，部分国家在后来加入GATT时也对日本援引了第35条互不适用条款。尔后，日本在加人GATT后，经过努力，使这些国家中的大部分都撤销了对日本行使这一条款的法律权力，与它们建立了GATT 关系。

评析

英法等多国对日本采用“互不适用条款”问题，属于非歧视原则问题。在GATT中，非歧视原则主要是通过最惠国待遇原则和国民待遇原则来实现的，但也有例外，即互不适用条款。

GATT第35条被称为互不适用条款。它规定，在任何成员与任何其他一个成员之间不适用协定或不适用本协定第2条MFN原则，只要：（ a）两个成员之间没有进行过关税谈判；（ b）该两个成

员的任何成员在其他一方成为成员时，不同意对它实施 GATT规则。在特定情况下，经两个成员中任何一方提出请示，缔约方全体可以审查本条款执行情况，并提出适当的建议。这一例外属于程序上的例外。根据此条款规定可以认为，援引互不适用条款需要满足两个条件：第一，两成员之间未进行关税减让谈判。关税减让是GATT自由化的主要手段，两成员之间未进行关税减让谈判意味着两成员并未在GATT框架下达成自由化协定，当然也没有必要承担相应的义务。但是，关于如何才算进行关税减让谈判，GATT没有明确规定，这是该条款的一个漏洞。在 WTO历史上，长期以关税谈判小组交换项目清单作为“进行了谈判”的依据，但波兰、罗马尼亚在加入时并没有进行谈判，打破了这一常规。

第二，成员中的任何成员在另一方成为成员时不同意对其适用GATT。关于这一条件要注意三点，一是提出互不适用要求的可以是“任何一方”，即可以是新加入的一方，也可以是创始成员；二是一成员可以同时对多个成员援引互不适用条款，一成员也有可能同时被多个成员援引互不适用条款；三是提出互不适用要求是在新成员加入时，已成为GATT成员的成员不能提出互不适用。

GATT第35条第2款规定了审查机制，在成员一方提出请求时，缔约方全体可以在特定情况下检查本条规定的执行情况，并提出适当的建议，这主要是为了防止一成员可能给予另一成员不公正待遇而设立的，希望缔约方全体能对此进行监督与约束。

《建立WTO协定》对互不适用条款进行了修改，作出了更严格的规定：

第一，在 WTO协定生效之前加入，并已经根据1947年GATT第35条对有关成员实施互不适用的情况下，WTO互不适用条款才对创始成员有效。

第二，如果创始成员要求对申请加入方适用互不适用条款，必须在加入方的加入议定书生效前向部长会议提出，并征得部长同意。此外，成员在与申请加入方进行了谈判后仍可以实施互不适用条款，这一点对申请加入方很不利。

第三，在某些特定倩况下，如有成员要求，部长会议可以评审互不适用条款的实施情况，并提出适当建议。对于诸边贸易协议在成员之间的互不适用应按协议的相关规定处理。

思考题

1、什么是“互不适用”条款？援引“互不适用”条款必须满足什么条件？

2、“互不适用”条款会对国际贸易带来什么影响？