为什么,罗斯福就职演说那么出名

篇一：罗斯福总统就职演说FirstinauguraladdressofFranklind.Roosevelt

SaTURdaY,maRcH4,1933 iamcertainthatmyfellowamericansexpectthatonmyinductionintothePreside ncyiwilladdressthemwithacandorandadecisionwhichthepresentsituationof ournationimpels.Thisispreeminentlythetimetospeakthetruth,thewholetruth ,franklyandboldly.norneedweshrinkfromhonestlyfacingconditionsinourco untrytoday.Thisgreatnationwillendureasithasendured,willreviveandwillpro sper.So,firstofall,letmeassertmyfirmbeliefthattheonlythingwehavetofearisf earitself--nameless,unreasoning,unjustifiedterrorwhichparalyzesneededeff ortstoconvertretreatintoadvance.ineverydarkhourofournationallifealeaders hipoffranknessandvigorhasmetwiththatunderstandingandsupportofthepeo plethemselveswhichisessentialtovictory.iamconvincedthatyouwillagaingiv ethatsupporttoleadershipinthesecriticaldays. insuchaspiritonmypartandonyourswefaceourcommondifficulties.Theycon cern,thankGod,onlymaterialthings.Valueshaveshrunkentofantasticlevels;ta xeshaverisen;ourabilitytopayhasfallen;governmentofallkindsisfacedbyseri ouscurtailmentofincome;themeansofexchangearefrozeninthecurrentsoftra de;thewitheredleavesofindustrialenterpriselieoneveryside;farmersfindnom

arketsfortheirproduce;thesavingsofmanyyearsinthousandsoffamiliesarego ne.

moreimportant,ahostofunemployedcitizensfacethegrimproblemofexistenc e,andanequallygreatnumbertoilwithlittlereturn.onlyafoolishoptimistcande nythedarkrealitiesofthemoment. Yetourdistresscomesfromnofailureofsubstance.wearestrickenbynoplagueo https://www.360docs.net/doc/8b9608908.html,paredwiththeperilswhichourforefathersconqueredbecausethe ybelievedandwerenotafraid,wehavestillmuchtobethankfulfor.naturestilloff ersherbountyandhumaneffortshavemultipliedit.Plentyisatourdoorstep,buta generoususeofitlanguishesintheverysightofthesupply.Primarilythisisbecau setherulersoftheexchangeof

mankind'sgoodshavefailed,throughtheirownstubbornnessandtheirow nincompetence,haveadmittedtheirfailure,andabdicated.Practicesoftheunsc rupulousmoneychangersstandindictedinthecourtofpublicopinion,rejectedb ytheheartsandmindsofmen.

Truetheyhavetried,buttheireffortshavebeencastinthepatternofanoutworntra dition.Facedbyfailureofcredittheyhaveproposedonlythelendingofmoremon ey.Strippedofthelureofprofitbywhichtoinduceourpeopletofollowtheirfalsel eadership,theyhaveresortedtoexhortations,pleadingtearfullyforrestoredcon fidence.Theyknowonlytherulesofagenerationofself-seekers.Theyhavenovi sion,andwhenthereisnovisionthepeopleperish. Themoneychangershavefledfromtheirhighseatsinthetempleofourcivilizatio

n.we

maynowrestorethattempletotheancienttruths.Themeasureoftherestorationli esintheextenttowhichweapplysocialvaluesmorenoblethanmeremonetarypr ofit.

Happinessliesnotinthemerepossessionofmoney;itliesinthejoyofachieveme nt,inthethrillofcreativeeffort.Thejoyandmoralstimulationofworknolonger mustbeforgotteninthemadchaseofevanescentprofits.Thesedarkdayswillbe worthalltheycostusiftheyteachusthatourtruedestinyisnottobeministeredunt obuttoministertoourselvesandtoourfellowmen. Recognitionofthefalsityofmaterialwealthasthestandardofsuccessgoeshandi nhandwiththeabandonmentofthefalsebeliefthatpublicofficeandhighpolitica lpositionaretobevaluedonlybythestandardsofprideofplaceandpersonalprofi t;andtheremustbeanendtoaconductinbankingandinbusinesswhichtoooftenh asgiventoasacredtrustthelikenessofcallousandselfishwrongdoing.Smallwo nderthatconfidencelanguishes,foritthrivesonlyonhonesty,onhonor,onthesa crednessofobligations,onfaithfulprotection,onunselfishperformance;witho utthemitcannotlive.

Restorationcalls,however,notforchangesinethicsalone.Thisnationasksforac tion,andactionnow. ourgreatestprimarytaskistoputpeopletowork.Thisisnounsolvableproblemif wefaceitwiselyandcourageously.itcanbeaccomplishedinpartbydirectrecruit ingbytheGovernmentitself,treatingthetaskaswewouldtreattheemergencyof

awar,butatthesametime,throughthisemployment,accomplishinggreatlynee dedprojectstostimulateandreorganizetheuseofournaturalresources. Handinhandwiththiswemustfranklyrecognizetheoverbalanceofpopulationi nourindustrialcentersand,byengagingonanationalscaleinaredistribution,en deavorto provideabetteruseofthelandforthosebestfittedfortheland.Thetaskcanbehelp edbydefiniteeffortstoraisethevaluesofagriculturalproductsandwiththisthep owertopurchasetheoutputofourcities.itcanbehelpedbypreventingrealisticall ythetragedyofthegrowinglossthroughforeclosureofoursmallhomesandourf arms.itcanbehelpedbyinsistencethattheFederal,State,andlocalgovernments actforthwithonthedemandthattheircostbedrasticallyreduced.itcanbehelped bytheunifyingofreliefactivitieswhichtodayareoftenscattered,uneconomical ,andunequal.itcanbehelpedbynationalplanningforand supervisionofallformsoftransportationandofcommunicationsandotherutilit ieswhichhaveadefinitelypubliccharacter.Therearemanywaysinwhichitcanb ehelped,butitcanneverbehelpedmerelybytalkingaboutit.wemustactandactq uickly.

Finally,inourprogresstowardaresumptionofworkwerequiretwosafeguardsa gainstareturnoftheevilsoftheoldorder;theremustbeastrictsupervisionofallba nkingandcreditsandinvestments;theremustbeanendtospeculationwithother people'smoney,andtheremustbeprovisionforanadequatebutsoundcurr ency.

Therearethelinesofattack.ishallpresentlyurgeuponanewcongressinspecial sessiondetailedmeasuresfortheirfulfillment,andishallseektheimmediateassi stanceoftheseveralStates. Throughthisprogramofactionweaddressourselvestoputtingourownnational houseinorderandmakingincomebalanceoutgo.ourinternationaltraderelation s,thoughvastlyimportant,areinpointoftimeandnecessitysecondarytotheesta blishmentofasoundnationaleconomy.ifavorasapracticalpolicytheputtingoff irstthingsfirst.ishallsparenoefforttorestoreworldtradebyinternationalecono micreadjustment,buttheemergencyathomecannotwaitonthataccomplishme nt. Thebasicthoughtthatguidesthesespecificmeansofnationalrecoveryisnotnarr owlynationalistic.itistheinsistence,asafirstconsideration,upontheinterdepe ndenceofthevariouselementsinallpartsoftheUnitedStates--arecognitionofth eoldandpermanentlyimportantmanifestationoftheamericanspiritofthepione er.itisthewaytorecovery.itistheimmediateway.itisthestrongestassurancethat therecoverywillendure. inthefieldofworldpolicyiwoulddedicatethisnationtothepolicyofthegood neighbor--theneighborwhoresolutelyrespectshimselfand,becausehedoesso, respectstherightsofothers--theneighborwhorespectshisobligationsandrespe ctsthesanctityofhisagreementsinandwithaworldofneighbors. ifireadthetemperofourpeoplecorrectly,wenowrealizeaswehaveneverrealize dbeforeourinterdependenceoneachother;thatwecannotmerelytakebutwemu

stgiveaswell;thatifwearetogoforward,wemustmoveasatrainedandloyalarm ywillingto

sacrificeforthegoodofacommondiscipline,becausewithoutsuchdisciplineno progressismade,noleadershipbecomeseffective.weare,iknow,readyandwilli ngtosubmitourlivesandpropertytosuchdiscipline,becauseitmakespossibleal eadershipwhichaimsatalargergood.Thisiproposetooffer,pledgingthatthelar gerpurposeswillbinduponusallasasacredobligationwithaunityofdutyhithert oevokedonlyintimeofarmedstrife.

withthispledgetaken,iassumeunhesitatinglytheleadershipofthisgreatarmyo fourpeoplededicatedtoadisciplinedattackuponourcommonproblems. actioninthisimageandtothisendisfeasibleundertheformofgovernmentwhich wehaveinheritedfromourancestors.ourconstitutionissosimpleandpracticalt hatitispossiblealwaystomeetextraordinaryneedsbychangesinemphasisanda rrangementwithoutlossofessentialform.Thatiswhyourconstitutionalsystem hasproveditselfthemostsuperblyenduringpoliticalmechanismthemodernwo rldhasproduced.ithasmeteverystressofvastexpansionofterritory,offoreignw ars,ofbitterinternalstrife,ofworldrelations. itistobehopedthatthenormalbalanceofexecutiveandlegislativeauthoritymay bewhollyadequatetomeettheunprecedentedtaskbeforeus.Butitmaybethatan unprecedenteddemandandneedforundelayedactionmaycallfortemporaryde parturefromthatnormalbalanceofpublicprocedure. iampreparedundermyconstitutionaldutytorecommendthemeasuresthatastri

罗斯福就职演讲【英文】

FDR & a New Deal for America

“It is hard, today, to imagine the level of expectation that greeted Franklin Delano Roosevelt when he ascended to take the reins from the much-maligned Hoover‖ (Jennings 155).―People are looking to you almost as they look to God‖ (qtd. in Jennings 157). By the end of his twelve years as president, ―people would find it hard to remember a day when he was not their leader, when they could not expect, at a time of need, to hear his soothing voice‖ (Jennings 157).

Roosevelt Takes Office March 4, 1933

1933: A Nation in Crisis ?1933: The Great Depression was almost 4 years old. ?Hoover was seen as ineffective ?Roosevelt was a symbol of hope ?The economy including the stock market, banks and general unemployment was reeling.

从经济学的角度看待罗斯福新政的深远影响

从经济学的角度看待罗斯福新政的深远影响江苏王涛罗斯福新政是资本主义运行模式的重大变革，从经济学的角度来看，罗斯福新政对未来资本主义生产关系的调整产生了重大影响：一、国家宏观调控成为现代市场经济的重要组成部分。市场经济形成于资本主义发展初期的自由竞争阶段，当时资源配置完全是在市场上通过价值规律的自发调节即“看不见的手”来实现的。而政府在经济发展中所起的作用正如1923—1929年在任的美国总统柯立芝所说：“既然只有富人才是有价值的，因此政府应该谨防多数人的意见。由于贫穷是罪恶的报应，政府便不应该向高尚的富人征税，以援助贫贱的穷人。由于富人最了解他们的利益所在，政府便不应该干预他们经营的企业。”这种市场配置资源方法极大地促进了资本主义经济的发展，但也使整个社会处于无政府状态，最终导致1929-1933年爆发世界性经济危机。人们开始反思完全市场调节的市场经济的固有弊端和缺陷，需要国家加强对经济的宏观调控，用“看得见的手”协调经济运行中总量平衡以及某些重大的结构性矛盾。有学者对罗斯福的经济理论进行了这样的概括：“私营企业——个人利润经济不应消灭，应当保留。可是，这种经济的营运，并不总是有利于促进普遍福利。因此，只要是必要，这种营运就必须由各州和联邦政府作出努力，加以改进和补充。”由此可见，其核心是企图依靠国家和垄断组织的联合力量，把资本主义生产的无政府状态纳入到有控制的轨道，在很大程度上弥补了市场调节的固有弊端和缺陷，促进了工业的健康有序和整个国民经济的协调发展，这说明自罗斯福新政开始，国家的宏观调控逐渐成为现代市场经济的重要组成部分。让市场这只“无形手”和国家宏观调控的“有形手”，“手拉手，向前走”，让美国经济度过难关，实现经济的健康有序发展。二、金融是现代经济的核心，是国民经济运行的最关键的制导系统。银行是主要的金融机构。银行通过资金活动，成为连接国民经济的纽带。因为金融资本是银行垄断资本和工业垄断资本的混合，因此经济危机往往是从财政信贷危机开始，金融系统的瓦解将波及到工农业各部门,罗斯福新政从经济危机开始的源头抓起，罗斯福新政抓住现代经济的核心，凭借国家的权威和信誉，首先在金融方面进行了改革，整顿财政金融体系，下令银行暂时休业4天，进行整顿，淘汰丧失支付能力的小银行，扶持实力雄厚的大银行，政府成立联邦储蓄保证公司，对存款人的存款进行担保，逐步恢复了银行信用，银行信誉的恢复，促进了金融体系的正常运作，为工农业生产的恢复提供了前提保证。罗斯福新政在财政方面的另一重要措施是宣布禁运黄金出口，停止美元兑换黄金，放弃金本位制，实行美元贬值41%，以刺激出口和生产的发展。银行的整顿成功，为罗斯福新政的成功做了一个很好的铺垫。从经济常识的角度看，罗斯福新政首先抓住银行这个关键，充分运用把国家宏观调控与市场调节结合起来，全面加强国家对经济的干预，开创了资本主义国家对经济加强干预政策的先河，充分运用银行可以对国民经济各部门和企业的生产经营活动进行监督和管理，优化产业结构，提高经济效益的作用。

美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿

美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿（英文,中文版）美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿（英文版） President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends: This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days. In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation

罗斯福首次就职演说

罗斯福首次就职演说让我们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。罗斯福首次就职演说President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends: This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is

埃利诺罗斯福在联合国大会上的讲话

Address to the United Nations General Assembly: On the Adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 埃利诺·罗斯福在联合国大会上的讲话：关于《世界人权宣言》 Eleanor Roosevelt Mr. President, fellow delegates, The long and meticulous study and debate of which this Universal Declaration of Human Rights is the product means that it reflects the composite views of the many men and governments who have contributed to its formulation. Not every man nor every government can have what he wants in a document of this kind. There are of course particular provisions in the Declaration before us with which we are not fully satisfied. I have no doubt this is true of other delegations, and it would still be true if we continued our labors over many years. Taken as a whole the Delegation of the United States believes that this is a good document -- even a great document -- and we propose to give it our full support. The position of the United States on the various parts of the Declaration is a matter of record in the Third Committee. I shall not burden the Assembly, and particularly my colleagues of the Third Committee, with a restatement of that position here. I should like to comment briefly on the amendments proposed by the Soviet delegation. The language of these amendments has been dressed up somewhat, but the substance is the same as the amendments which were offered by the Soviet delegation in committee and rejected after exhaustive discussion. Substantially the same amendments have been previously considered and rejected in the Human Rights Commission. We in the United States admire those who fight for their convictions, and the Soviet delegation has fought for their convictions. But in the older democracies we have learned that sometimes we bow to the will of the majority. In doing that, we do not give up our convictions. We continue sometimes to persuade, and eventually we may be successful. But we know that we have to work together and we have to progress. So, we believe that when we have made a good fight, and the majority is against us, it is perhaps better tactics to try to cooperate. I feel bound to say that I think perhaps it is somewhat of an imposition on this Assembly to have these amendments offered again here, and I am confident that they will be rejected without debate. The first two paragraphs of the amendment to article 3 deal with the question of minorities, which committee 3 decided required further study, and has recommended, in a separate resolution, their reference to the Economic and Social Council and the Human Rights Commission. As set out in the Soviet amendment, this provision clearly states "group," and not "individual," rights. The Soviet amendment to article 20 is obviously a very restrictive statement of the right to freedom of opinion and expression. It sets up standards which would enable any state practically to deny all freedom of opinion and expression without violating the article. It introduces the terms "democratic view," "democratic systems," "democratic state," and "fascism," which we know all too well from debates in this Assembly over the past two years on warmongering and related subjects are liable to the most flagrant abuse and diverse interpretations. The statement of the Soviet delegate here tonight is a very good case in point on this. The Soviet amendment of article 22 introduces new elements into the article without improving the committed text and again introduces specific reference to "discrimination." As was repeatedly pointed out in committee 3, the question of discrimination is comprehensively covered in article 2

罗斯福就职演讲稿

First Inaugural Address Franklin D. Roosevelt 富兰克林·罗斯福 1933.3.4. 演讲者简介：罗斯福在1933年成为总统当时美国正陷于世界性的经济危机之中。罗斯福以他的能力为人民创造就业机会并带去援助。罗斯福的许多施政观点至今仍是美国治国方针的一部分。 President Hoover, Mister Chief Justice, my friends: This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day, my fellow Americans expect that on my induction in the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today. This great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself-nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days. In such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for. Nature surrounds us with her bounty, and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted

罗斯福就职演讲罗斯福就职演说稿

罗斯福就职演讲罗斯福就职演说稿【--就职演讲稿】就职演说是一位总统最重要的演讲了，下面就是为您收集的罗斯福就职演说稿的相关文章，希望可以帮到您，如果你觉得不错的话可以分享给更多小伙伴哦！胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们： President Hoover, Mr.Chief Justice, my friends: 值此我就职之际，同胞们肯定期望我以我国当前情势所要求的坦率和果断来发表演说。现在确实尤其有必要坦白而果敢地谈一谈真情实况，全部的真情实况。我们没有必要去躲闪，没有必要不老老实实地面对我国今天的情况。我们的国家过去经得起考验，今后还会经得起考验，复兴起来，繁荣下去。因此，首先，允许我申明我的坚定信念：我们唯一值得恐惧的就是恐惧本身——会使我们由后退转而前进所需的努力陷于瘫痪的那种无名的、没有道理的、毫无根据的害怕。在我们国家生活中每一个黑暗的时刻，直言不讳、坚强有力的领导都曾经得到人民的谅解和支持，从而保证了胜利。我坚信，在当前的危机时期，你们也会再一次对领导表示支持。

I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days. 我和你们都要以这样一种精神来面对共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难都只是物质方面的。价值贬缩到难以想象的程度；赋税增加了；我们支付能力下降了；各级政府都遇到严重的收入短缺；交换手段在贸易贸易过程中遭到了冻结，工业企业尽成枯枝残叶；农场主的产品找不到市场；千万个家庭的多年积蓄付之东流。

罗斯福新政对美国的影响及其借鉴意义

罗斯福新政对美国的影响及其借鉴意义信息SY1301 刘鹏0121309341527 摘要：1929年10月24日，一场史无前例的、破坏性极强的金融危机迅速的在美国爆发并由此强烈冲击了各国的经济，其中资本主义国家受到无法估量的影响。自此，各主要发达国家的经济发展几乎停滞甚至倒退，社会矛盾日益尖锐。此时，日德等国一批野心家走上台前并选择了法西斯主义的道路，企图以对外的殖民扩张来转移国内民众的矛盾视线，这也引发了第二次世界大战。而与此同时一批以美国为核心的国家也走上了一条对现有资本主义改良的道路，比如这被后世津津乐道的罗斯福新政，这一政策在资本主义的道路上无疑画上了浓墨重彩的一笔，不仅使美国从经济危机泥潭中走出来，并且美国经济进入新的黄金发展时期，而且对第二次世界大战的胜利也发挥了重要作用并由此确立了美国的世界霸主地位。当然这新政对我国的发展也有许许多多宝贵的借鉴意义。关键词：经济危机罗斯福新政意义借鉴正文：一、罗斯福新政内容 1 改革金融，整顿银行业。危机爆发前的金融系统、银行系统是自由发展、完全放任、不受政府控制的独立体系。这就造成了疯狂的投机行为和许多银行缺乏信用的问题。而罗斯福政府通过《紧急银行法》、《银行法》强制淘汰一批信用度差，资不抵债的银行，并大力扶持一批饱受好评的银行，使美元与黄金

脱钩，贬值美元，禁止储藏盒输出黄金。以著名的格拉斯—斯特高尔法来加强对银行、证券市场、货币的改革和管理。 2 调节农业。颁发《农业调整法》，通过补偿手段来缩减农业产量，从而稳定农产品价格，解决农产品过剩的现象。 3 新的工业政策。颁发《全国工业复兴法》《公平劳动标准法》，要求企业主遵守公平竞争的原则，加强企业间的合作与交流，同时政府通过工会制定出合理的价格。规定工人的最低工资和最高工时，禁止雇佣童工，这极大的保护了广大工人阶级的利益，从而提升了工人的消费能力。 4 政府兴建公共工程。国家实行“以工代赈”，兴建公共工程，这不仅合理的利用和保护自然资源，而且创造了几百万的工作岗位，缓解了日益紧张的就业压力，使许多失业者有活干。 5 建立比较完善的社会保障制度。出台《社会保险法》，使退休老人有较好的社会福利拿，一定程度上消除了从业者的后顾之忧，同时也为一批年富力强的青年们提供了就业岗位，缓解就业压力，为工作事业带来新的青春气息与活力。二、罗斯福新政的美国历史地位及其意义罗斯福新政在经济领域对国家垄断资本主义发展产生了重大的影响，也对后来的资本主义发展产生了至关重要的作用。罗斯福一改以往中央政府对经济发展“自由放任”的政策，开始实行国家干预，开创了国家干预经济发展的新模式，并且这种干预通过国会以新的立法形式诉诸于美国经济生活，这是前所未有的。而且其中也有社会主义

1933年美国总统罗斯福就职演说

First Inaugural Address of Franklin D. Roosevelt SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1933 I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days. In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish. The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit. Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men. Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live. Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation asks for action, and action now. Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our natural resources. Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land. The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure