1977年美国总统卡特就职演说

1977年美国总统卡特就职演说
1977年美国总统卡特就职演说

Inaugural Address by Jimmy Carter

(January 20, 1977)

For myself and for our Nation, I want to thank my predecessor for all he has done to heal our land.

In this outward and physical ceremony we attest once again to the inner and spiritual strength of ou r Nation. As my high school teacher, Miss Julia Coleman, used to say: "We must adjust to changing times and still hold to unchanging principles."

Here before me is the Bible used in the inauguration of our first President, in 1789, and I have just taken the oath of office on the Bible my mother gave me a few years ago, opened to a timeless admonition from the ancient prophet Micah: "He hath showed thee, O man, what is good; and what doth the Lord require of thee, but to do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly with thy God." (Micah 6:8)

This inauguration ceremony marks a new beginning, a new dedication within our Government, and a new spirit among us all. A President may sense and proclaim that new spirit, but only a people can provide it.

Two centuries ago our Nation's birth was a milestone in the long quest for freedom, but the bold and brilliant dream which excited the founders of this Nation still awaits its consummation. I have no new dream to set forth today, but rather urge a fresh faith in the old dream.

Ours was the first society openly to define itself in terms of both spirituality and of human liberty. It is that unique self-definition which has given us an exceptional appeal, but it also imposes on us a special obligation, to take on th ose moral duties which, when assumed, seem invariably to be in our own best interests.

You have given me a great responsibility--to stay close to you, to be worthy of you, and to exemplify what you are. Let us create together a new national spirit of unity and trust. Your strength can compensate for my weakness, and your wisdom can help to minimize my mistakes.

Let us learn together and laugh together and work together and pray together, confident that in the end we will triumph together in the right.

The American dream endures. We must once again have full faith in our country and in one another. I believe America can be better. We can be even stronger than before.

Let our recent mistakes bring a resurgent commitment to the basic principles of our Nati on, for we know that if we despise our own government we have no future. We recall in special times when we have stood briefly, but magnificently, united. In those times no prize was beyond our grasp.

But we cannot dwell upon remembered glory. We cannot a fford to drift. We reject the prospect of failure or mediocrity or an inferior quality of life for any person. Our Government must at the same time be both competent and compassionate.

We have already found a high degree of personal liberty, and we are now struggling to enhance equality of opportunity. Our commitment to human rights must be absolute, our laws fair, our natural beauty preserved; the powerful must not persecute the weak, and human dignity must be enhanced.

We have learned that "more" is not necessarily "better," that even our great Nation has its recognized limits, and that we can neither answer all questions nor solve all problems. We cannot afford to do everything, nor can we afford to lack boldness as we meet the future. So, together, in a spirit of individual sacrifice for the common good, we must simply do our best.

Our Nation can be strong abroad only if it is strong at home. And we know that the best way to enhance freedom in other lands is to demonstrate here that our democratic system is worthy of emulation.

To be true to ourselves, we must be true to others. We will not behave in foreign places so as to violate our rules and standards here at home, for we know that the trust which our Nation earns is essential to our strength.

The world itself is now dominated by a new spirit. Peoples more numerous and more politically aware are craving and now demanding their place in the sun--not just for the benefit of their own physical condition, but for basic human rights.

The passion for freedom is on the rise. Tapping this new spirit, there can be no nobler nor more ambitious task for America to undertake on this day of a new beginning than to help shape a just and peaceful world that is truly humane.

We are a strong nation, and we will maintain strength so sufficient that it need not be proven in combat--a quiet strength based not merely on the size of an arsenal, but on the nobility of ideas.

We will be ever vigilant and never vulnerable, and we will fight our wars against poverty, ignor ance, and injustice--for those are the enemies against which our forces can be honorably marshaled.

We are a purely idealistic Nation, but let no one confuse our idealism with weakness.

Because we are free we can never be indifferent to the fate of freedom elsewhere. Our moral sense dictates a clearcut preference for these societies which share with us an abiding respect for individual human rights. We do not seek to intimidate, but it is clear that a world which others can dominate with impunity would be inhospitable to decency and a threat to the well-being of all people.

The world is still engaged in a massive armaments race designed to ensure continuing equivalent strength among potential adversaries. We pledge perseverance and wisdom in our efforts to limit the world's armaments to those necessary for each nation's own domestic safety. And we will move this year a step toward ultimate goal--the elimination of all nuclear weapons from this Earth. We urge all other people to join us, for success can mean life instead of death.

Within us, the people of the United States, there is evident a serious and purposeful rekindling of confidence. And I join in the hope that when my time as your President has ended, people might say this about our Nation:

that we had remembered the words of Micah and renewed our search for humility, mercy, and justice;

that we had torn down the barriers that separated those of different race and region and religion, and where there had been mistrust, built unity, with a respect for diversity;

that we had found productive work for those able to perform it;

that we had strengthened the American family, which is the basis of our society;

that we had ensured respect for the law, and equal treatment under the law, for the weak and the powerful, for the rich and the poor;

and that we had enabled our people to be proud of their own Government once again.

I would hope that the nations of the world might say that we had built a lasting peace, built not on weapons of war but on international policies which reflect our own most precious values.

These are not just my goals, and they will not be my accomplishments, but the affirmation of our Nation's continuing moral strength and our belief in an undiminished, ever-expanding American dream.

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证人一讲完,林肯就转过身,面向陪审团开始了他的辩护:“这个证人是个彻头彻尾的骗子。” 林肯说:“证人发誓说他于11月18日晚11点钟在月光下看清了被告南姆斯特朗的脸,但那天晚上是上弦月,11点钟月亮已经下山了,哪来的月光?退一步说,就算证人记不清时间,假定稍有提前,月亮还在西边,月光从西边照过来,被告如果脸朝大树,即向西,月光可以照到脸上,可是由于证人的位置在树的东面的草堆后,那他就根本看不到被告的脸;如果被告脸朝草堆,即向东,那么即使有月光,也只能照着他的后脑勺,证人怎么能看到月光照在被告脸上,而且能从二三十米的草堆处看清被告的脸呢?” 林肯连珠炮般的发言,驳得证人哑口无言,只得承认被人收买提供假证的事实。阿姆斯特朗也被当庭释放。 文档出自:北京岳成律师事务所《法律顾问专刊》 网址:https://www.360docs.net/doc/bb18528092.html,

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Hello, Chicago. If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is aplace where all things ar e possible, who still wonders if the dreamof our founders is alive in our time, who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is youranswer. 美国是一个一切皆有可能的地方,如果还有人对这一点心存怀疑,如果还有人怀疑美国奠基者的梦想在我们时代是否还有活力,还有人怀疑我们民主制度的力量,那么,你们今晚正是对那些疑问作出了回答。 It’s the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers thi s nation hasnever seen, by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for th e first time in their lives,because they believed that this time must be different, that th eir voices could be that difference. 在学校和教堂周围所出现的前所未有的长队是答案,这个国家从未见过这么多的人前来投票,人们排三个、四个小时的队来进行有生以来的第一次投票,因为他们相信这一次将会不同,他们发出的声音可能就是那个差别。 It’s the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, bl ack, white,Hispanic, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled. Americans who sent amessage to the world that we have never been just a collection of individuals or a collection of redstates and blue states. 这是一个年轻人和年老人、富人和穷人、民主党人和共和党人、黑人、白人、西班牙裔人、亚裔、印第安人、同性恋和异性恋、残障人士和健全人士所作出的回答。美国人向世界发出一个信息:我们从不只是一些个人的累加或者“红色州”和“蓝色州”的累加。 We are, and always will be, the United States of America. 我们是,并且永远是美利坚合众国。 It’s the answer that led those who’ve been told for so long by so many to be cynical a nd fearful anddoubtful about what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of hist ory and bend it once moretoward the hope of a better day. 这是一个引导人们的答案,太多的人在很长的时间内给他们说这个答案,以至于他们对此持愤世疾俗的态度,对我们是否可以再一次把握历史的希望感到担心和怀疑。 It’s been a long time coming, but tonight, because of what we did on this date in this e lection at thisdefining moment change has come to America. 已经过去了很长时间,但是今晚,由于我们今天在这场选举所采取的行动,在这个决定性的时候,变革来到了美国。 A little bit earlier this evening, I received an extraordinarily gracious call from Sen. M cCain. 今晚早些时候,我接到来自参议员麦凯恩的一个极具风度的电话。

奥巴马就职演讲的感想

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美国总统林肯写给其兄弟的一封信

世界上最动人的书信 美国总统林肯写给其兄弟的一封信 我为什么不能借钱给你 亲爱的江斯顿: 你向我借80块钱,我觉得目前最好不要借给你。好几次我帮助你之后,你都说“现在我们的生活可以好过了”,但是时隔不久,你又面临了同样的困境。现在,只能说明你自己有问题。是什么问题呢?我想知道。你不是个懒汉,但多少有点游手好闲。自从我上次看见你,我就怀疑你没有认真工作过一天。你不太讨厌工作,但却不卖劲干活,唯一的原因是因为你觉得你并不能从中获益多少。 所有的问题都源于你那浪费时间的恶习。改掉这种习惯对你来说很重要,而对你的儿女则更加重要。这是因为他们的人生之路还很长,在没有养成闲散的习惯之前,尚可以加以制止。这比养成之后再纠正要容易得多。 现在你需要些现钱,我建议你去工作,去找个出薪雇人的老板,为他“卖力地”工作。 让你爸爸和你的几个儿子去应付家里春播和秋种的事吧,你自己去做些最挣钱的工作,再用你的工资抵债。为了使你的劳动获得好的酬金,我现在答应你,从今天到5月1号,只要你工作挣到一块钱或是偿还了一块钱的债,我就再给你一块钱。 这样的话,如果你每月挣10块钱,你可以从我这再得到10块钱,那么你一个月就能挣20块钱。我不是说让你到圣卢一伙加利福尼亚州的铅矿、金矿去,而是让你在离家近的地方找个最挣钱的工作——就在柯尔斯县境内。 如果你现在愿意这样做,很快就能还清债务。更好的是你会养成不再欠债的好习惯。但是,如果我现在帮你还了债,明年你又会负债累累。你说,你愿意用你在天堂的席位换来七八十块钱。这么说你把你在天堂的席位看得太廉价了。其实,照我说的去做,保证你工作四五个月就能挣到那七八十块钱。你又说,如果我借钱给你,你愿意把田产抵押给我,若是你将来还不清债,那田产就归我所有—— 胡说八道!假如你现在有田地都无法生存,将来没有田地又怎么存活呢?你一向对我很好,我现在也没有对你无情无义,相反,如果你肯采纳我的建议,你会发现,对你来说,这比8个80块钱还值! 挚爱你的哥哥亚·林肯 1848年12月24日 注:江斯顿是林肯继母的儿子,他来信向林肯借钱,林肯以此信回复了他。

从历届美国总统就职演说辞中探讨排比在演说词中的使用

摘要:就职演说作为一种特殊的演讲形势,很好的诠释了演说词的深远意义和广泛影响力。本文以美国历届总统就职演说辞为研究对象,对排比的大量使用进行分析,旨在揭示排比修辞法在演讲文体中的巨大作用。排比的使用能给演讲者带来恢弘的气势,使演说的逻辑更加清晰,同时也增强了演说者的感召力,增强了读者和听众对演说词的深刻理解。 关键词:就职演说词;演讲;排比 公众演讲作为一种极为特殊的问题,既不同于日常谈话,也不同于小说、戏剧、诗歌等文学体裁。由于其都是在非常正式的场合,由特定的演讲者直接面向广大听众进行的旨在激起群众的热情,获得听众的支持和认可的一种社会活动,因此使其兼备口语和书面语俩种文体的语言特点同时,有着显著地差异。它扬口语浅显易懂之长,弃口语松散杂乱之短;既保留了书面语庄重文雅之风,又不失口语生动感人之韵,使人听来感到铿锵悦耳,感情充沛,极富感染力和号召力。 美国总统的就职演说是一种在特定场合下的演说。现场听众可达百万之众,并且向国内外进行现场直播。美国民众及世界各国总是对新总统有着无限期待,总统治国理想,对国家所面临的困难和挑战的分析,施政纲领的宣布以及如何实现民众的希望都通过这一就职演讲传达出来。据各大媒体的调查表明,大多数美国民众对美国新当选的总统奥巴马于2009年1月20日做出的就职演说感到满意和非常满意。由此可见,一次演讲所承担的使命以及其所能达到的效果非同凡响。本文以美国历届总统就职演说辞为语料,以排比修辞法的使用为基点进行简要的分析,揭示排比在演讲词中的巨大作用以及其所带来的恢弘气势、清晰地说理与强大的感召力,以增强读者对排比法的深刻理解。 排比(parallelism)是一种修辞手法,它是利用三个或三个以上意义相关或相近,结构相同或相似和语气相同的词组(主谓/动宾)或句子并排,达到一种加强语势的效果。Parallelism:Similarity of construction of adjacent word groups equivalent,complementary,or antithetic in sense esp.for rhetorical effect or rhythm;reiteration in similar phrases (Webster’s Third New International Dictionary of The English Language Unabridged1986).这种结构的大量运用,使得演讲在句法结构上更加工整,在语篇上更具气势,在感情上更具有感染力。在诸多的美国总统中,每一位总统的就职演说词,都依据各自不同的政治目的,而或多或少的使用到了排比的修辞方法,以下则是笔者从美国历任总统的演说中例选出的经典排比句式。 例1.托马斯.杰斐逊在建国之初,国家建设时期的就职演讲中,排比句的使用感召了国民对进国家建设的热衷,鼓舞了民众士气。 Let us,then,fellow-citizens,unite with one heart and one mind.Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things.And let us reflect that,having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered,we have yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance as despotic,as wicked,and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions……Let us,then,with courage and confidence pursue our own Federal and Republican principles, our attachment to union and representative government. 公民们,让我们同心同德地团结起来。让我们在社会交往中和睦如初、恢复友爱,如果没有这些,自由,甚至生活本身都会索然寡味,让我们再想一想,我们已经将长期以来造成人类流血、受苦的宗教信仰上的不宽容现象逐出国上,如果我们鼓励某种政治上的不宽容,其专演、邪恶和可能造成的残酷、血腥迫害均与此相仿,那么我们必将无所收获。……因此,让我们以勇气和信心,迫求我们自己的联邦与共和原则,拥戴联邦与代议制政府。 四个Let us…平行排列,从团结到和睦如初,到想一想,最后到以勇气和欣欣追求共和原则,把团结置于首位,加强了感情联络,产生了强烈的感召力。 例2.在维护祖国统一的美国内战时期,林肯于1861年三月四日就职演说中通过排比的句式使用表现其坚定的反对国家分裂、维护国家统一的立场和信念,给我们留下了极其深刻的影响。 It was formed,in fact,by the Articles of Association in 1774.It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in1776.It was further matured,and the faith of all the then thirteen States…… 在三个平行结构的被动句式排比中,强调了联邦条款之于美国联邦的重要性,突出了国家宪法高于一切,人民的利益是以宪法为保障,一切组织和团体行为都要以宪法为依据,因而突出团结高于一切。 例3.在经济大危机施虐全球的30年代,富兰克林·罗斯福于新政改革时期所做的就职演说中,排比的使用加强了人们复苏经济的信心;他在就职演说中大量的使用排比以呼吁美国人摆脱恐惧心理,迅速行动起来应付危机。 The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise…It can be helped by preventing realistically the…It can be helped by 从历届美国总统就职演说辞中探讨 排比在演说词中的使用 贲延青 147

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