希拉里竞选美国总统演讲稿中英文
希拉里竞选美国总统演讲稿中英文
希拉里竞选美国总统期间，有过几次著名的演讲，小编将以中英文方式展示给大家。
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希拉里竞选美国总统演讲中英文(篇一)'我已准备好了要做很多事，特别多的事。
','春天到了，我们要开始了整理院子了。
在我们小区，我种的西红柿可是一个传说哦!,'我女儿明年就要上幼儿园了，所以我们准备搬家，就是为了她能上好一点儿的学校。
我的兄弟和我正打算创业。
,五年来我一直都在带孩子。
现在我要重返职场了。
',我们每天都在做准备。
现在准备是越来越充分了。
宝宝，来吧!''我刚刚申请了工作，对毕业后的真实世界充满了期待。
'我今年夏天要结婚了——跟一个我非常在乎的人结婚。
''我要表演话剧了，穿着小鱼衣服，扮演小鱼鱼儿。
'我很快就准备要退休了。
退休意味着在各个方面重塑你自己。
',,我们打算重新装修房子。
不过最重要的还是教会狗狗别再吃垃圾了。
'我们对年有很高的期待，这些期待会实现的。
'我最近有了一份新的事业。
这家公司历经了五代领导，它对我意义重大。
公司里的人都在努力工作，成为其中一员感觉超棒。
','我也准备好了要做一些事情。
我要参加总统竞选。
美国已从艰难的经济形势中恢复过来了，但机遇仍然只是青睐顶端的人。
,美国每天都需要捍卫者。
而我，希望成为那个捍卫者。
,,!比起得过且过，你其实可以做得更好。
你是可以走在前面的，而且一直在前面。
,因为只要家庭繁荣，美国就会繁荣。
,'','因此，我需要你的选票，因为这是你的时代。
我希望你能和我一起踏上征程。
希拉里竞选美国总统演讲中英文(篇二)'今晚我发誓，我将跨越两党的界线为全纽约州的所有家庭创造繁荣与进步。
今天，我们以民主党人和共和党人的身份投票;明天，我们将作为纽约人重新开始。
,能生活在我国多元文化最丰富多彩最生气勃勃最美丽的一个州，
我们是多么的幸运。
,,,,'大家知道，从南布朗克斯到纽约最南端，从布鲁克林到布法罗，从蒙特哥到马塞纳，从世界上最高的摩天大楼到令人叹为观止的绵延山脉'我认识了不少人，我永远也不会忘记他们的容貌和故事。
,,,纽约六十二个县成千上万的纽约人把我迎进了你们的学校你们的风味小餐馆你们的车间你们的起居室和前廊。
,你们教导着我，你们考验着我，你们把面临的难题和关心的问题告诉我。
,,拥挤的校园和破旧的校舍，养育孩子和赡养年迈双亲的艰辛，寻求人人同等待遇的挑战，还有在纽约州北部地区因为就业机会难寻，孩子们都离开故乡移往他处的问题。
',,长期以来，我一直在为这些问题奔忙，有些问题甚至我已经为之奋斗了年之久，我决心让这些问题得到改观。
,大家知道，我们国家有义务让每个有责任感的公民和家庭的生活更上一层楼。
','这是最起码的，作为一名参议员，我将尽自己最大的努力来实现它。
,对于那些在过去没有支持我的人们，我想告诉你们，我将在参议院为你们为全体纽约人而工作。
,对于那些勤奋工作甚至在最艰难的时期也不放弃信念的人们，我永远感谢你们。
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Inaugural Address of George Bush FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1989 Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. President, Vice President Quayle, Senator Mitchell, Speaker Wright, Senator Dole, Congressman Michel, and fellow citizens, neighbors, and friends: There is a man here who has earned a lasting place in our hearts and in our history. President Reagan, on behalf of our Nation, I thank you for the wonderful things that you have done for America. I have just repeated word for word the oath taken by George Washington 200 years ago, and the Bible on which I placed my hand is the Bible on which he placed his. It is right that the memory of Washington be with us today, not only because this is our Bicentennial Inauguration, but because Washington remains the Father of our Country. And he would, I think, be gladdened by this day; for today is the concrete expression of a stunning fact: our continuity these 200 years since our government began. We meet on democracy's front porch, a good place to talk as neighbors and as friends. For this is a day when our nation is made whole, when our differences, for a moment, are suspended. And my first act as President is a prayer. I ask you to bow your heads: Heavenly Father, we bow our heads and thank You for Your love. Accept our thanks for the peace that yields this day and the shared faith that makes its continuance likely. Make us strong to do Your work, willing to heed and hear Your will, and write on our hearts these words: "Use power to help people." For we are given power not to advance our own purposes, nor to make a great show in the world, nor a name. There is but one just use of power, and it is to serve people. Help us to remember it, Lord. Amen. I come before you and assume the Presidency at a moment rich with promise. We live in a peaceful, prosperous time, but we can make it better. For a new breeze is blowing, and a world refreshed by freedom seems reborn; for in man's heart, if not in fact, the day of the dictator is over. The totalitarian era is passing, its old ideas blown away like leaves from an ancient, lifeless tree. A new breeze is blowing, and a nation refreshed by freedom stands ready to push on. There is new ground to be broken, and new action to be taken. There are times when the future seems thick as a fog; you sit and wait, hoping the mists will lift and reveal the right
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美国总统林肯演讲稿 inaugural speech by abraham lincoln march 4th 1861 speech： i do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement. apprehension seems to exist among the people of the southern states that by the accession of a republican administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. there has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. it is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. i do but quote from one of those speeches when i declare that: i have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the states where it exists. i believe i have no lawful right to do so, and i have no inclination to do so. those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that i had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them; and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which i now read: resolved, that the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states, and especially the right of each state to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any state or territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes. i now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so i only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is there is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labour. the clause i now read is as plainly written in the constitution as any other of its provisions: no person held to service or labour in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labour, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labour may be due. there is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by state authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one. if the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. and should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go un-kept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept? again: in any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? and might it not be well at the same time to provide
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