服装设计中英文对照外文翻译文献

服装设计中英文对照外文翻译文献

(文档含英文原文和中文翻译)

College men’s fashion

A brief review of the literature on the social psychology of clothing reveals that young women are more frequently research participants than men . This may be because women far outnumber men in majoring in clothing design and apparel merchandising and thus are more easily accessible as research participants than men. Regardless of why clothing research includes more women as research participants, this focus on women has resulted in a dearth of research on young men. In support of this, Reilly and Rudd (2007) report that research has investigated men’s clothing preferences and habits to a lesser extent than women’s. men’s ideas about fashion and its importance in their lives have been overlooked. Despite the limited research on young men, consumer groups comprised

of college men are important to commercial marketers in terms of expenditure in men’s apparel and accessories. According to Statista, in 2012 the expenditure on men’s clothing goods in the United States was $22.2 billion. Men purchased footwear the most, followed by shirts and suits. Prior research has also shown that men’s interest in fashion is on the rise, leading to an increase in men’s apparel sales .

Historically, women have been much more conscious about their appearance than men, but in recent times there appears to have been a change in this level of focus on appearance among men. Specifically, young men in Generation Y who have been socialized by mass media and marketing activities have become appearance conscious, which leads to apparel consumption (Kacen 2000; Patterson and Elliot 2002). Young men usually use dress to communicate their identities (Shete 2012), and their aspirations toward communicating this may influence their apparel consumption (Kang et al. 2011). Understanding the relationship between college-aged men’s identities and their clothing choices provides apparel marketers with useful information to develop effective strategies to produce and market clothes in accordance with the common values with which this group strives to identify.

According to Hogg and Banister (2001), individuals can either have a positive reference point (i.e., desired end state) or a negative reference point (i.e., undesired end state) that they use to achieve their desired

identities. So far, much research has been conducted on the positive aspects of consumers’ consumption choice. A lack of research into the negative aspects of consumption choice motivated us to question their impact on consumer behavior. Consumers’ avoidance behavior allows them to create further distance between themselves and their undesired identities (Hogg and Banister 2001), staying within the threshold of their desired identities. Thus, this research focuses on the clothing and style that college men avoid. An exploratory study was conducted on men attending a major midwestern university. On the basis of the results of the exploratory study, research interview questions for any further studies will be modified to address the research problem appropriately.

The purpose of the exploratory study was to investigate what clothing college men prefer, what identities they achieve through their clothing, and what they want to avoid in their clothing choices. Our research questions were as follows: (1) Does college-aged men’s clothing reflect their identities and what do they want to express through their clothing choices? and (2) What undesired identities (related to aspects of an avoided self) do college-aged men avoid in their clothing choices? Literature review

Social identity theory

Social identity theory as conceptualized by Tajfel and Turner (1979) refers to perceived identity of the groups to which people belong

(Tajfel 1982). Social identity theory posits that a person’s self-concept is based on his or her group membership. This theory consists of two dimensions: social identity and personal identity (Howard 2000;

Tajfel 1982). Social identity reflects membership in various social groups (e.g., clubs, social class), and personal identity represents the unique attributes that differentiate one person from another (Howard 2000; Tajfel 1982). In complex social environments, young people can use their identification with in-groups (i.e., their own group) versus out-groups (i.e., other groups) (Ogilvie 1987) to align their appearance (i.e., the total and composite image created by clothing) with a desired social group and to differentiate themselves from the undesired, or avoidance, reference group (Banister and Hogg 2004). Thus, social identities provide status to young men and enhance their self-esteem.

Research has used social identity theory to investigate the effects of men’s identities on the use of dress (i.e., all material objects added to body). For example, Kang et al. (2011) used social identity theory as a theoretical framework to investigate the relationship between young professional men’s perceptions of work identity and their use of dress. They found that the young men who felt incomplete in their work identity used dress as a symbol to construct their identities. Thus, in this study, we used social identity theory as a theoretical foundation to examine the relationship between college men’s identities and their clothing choices.

Men’s identities with fashion

According to Kratz and Reimer (1998), fashion is filled with meanings and symbols, through which people can visually communicate with one another in a rapid and direct manner. Fashion enables people to express their views about themselves and their identities through the use of clothing; it allows them to visually communicate who they are, who they want to be, what type of social group they want to belong to, and whom they do not want to be associated with the most (Shete 2012). Furthermore, Bennett (2005) states that fashion is one of the channels through which people can most readily give voice to their identities. Beyond words, people can convey themselves through dress and fashion, thus creating their social identity. Fashion’s essential role in providing people with means to build, shape, and communicate their identities is especially prominent in larger metropolitan cities where they “mingle with crowds of strangers and have only fleeting moments to impress them” (Bennett 2005, p 96).

Men identify themselves through various ways. For example, some men may identify themselves through their body appearance, while others may show their identities by the way they dress; Hathcote and Kim (2008) note that men represent themselves through how they dress. Moreover, many men care about what they wear and how they wear it on a daily basis and also care about how others perceive them. As part of campus

society, college students also spend time on how they dress. Some male students prefer wearing sweatpants or baggy basketball shorts at school, while others prefer wearing polo shirts and casual pants. The way male college students choose their outfits for school represents their different personalities and identities. For example, some male students wear athletic clothing to show off their masculinity. This is consistent with Lunceford (2010, p. 66), who argues that “male students choose a specific article of clothing because of how it makes them feel or because it downplays what they consider to be unattractive aspects of their bodies while accentuating their best features.”

Researchers have conducted studies related to the importance of clothing and fashion for identity creation and communication. For example, Piacentini and Mailer (2004) found that young people in the United Kingdom tended to use clothing to show similarity between themselves and the groups they wished to be identified with, and as a channel to establish potential friendships. Schofield and Schmidt (2005) examined the importance of clothes used in constructing and communicating gay men’s personal a nd group identities with a sample of Manchester-based respondents. They shaped individual gay identity through different levels (i.e., community level, neo-tribal level, and situational level) and found that gay identity emerged through clothing choices. In their study, gay identity is shared on a gay community level to

express “gayness” to others; on a neo-tribal level to show “belonging” to a social gay cohort with shared experience and emotions; and on a situational level to make themselves blend in with wherever they are (Schofield and Schmidt 2005).

As mentioned previously, young people in complex social environments can use their identification with in-groups versus

out-groups (Ogilvie 1987) to align their appearance with a desired social group, and to differentiate themselves from the undesired, or avoidance, reference group (Banister and Hogg 2004). In their study of a sample of British consumers, Banister and Hogg (2004) found that many consumers wore safe clothing items (e.g., simple clothes, which would be interpreted positively) to avoid censure rather than risky items. If such fears of folly and negative attention are present in male consumers, certain commonalities among them can be identified. Eisler and Skidmore (1987) proposed that men’s gender-role expectations contributed to fears about lack of athleticism, emotional intimacy, intimacy with other men (or homophobia), and failure. If the feminine, unathletic, impotent man is representative of perceived undesirability among men, symbolic identifiers of those traits can be indicative of young men’s labeling of avoidance reference groups and the “avoided self.” Thus, men’s fashion conservatism (i.e., dressing in a masculine way according to social norms) could be partially attributed to the generalized fear of appearing

“feminine” (Kimmel 1994).

Aversion to alternative styles

The aversion to alternative styles was accompanied by several rationales. One respondent said he avoided skinny jeans (often associated with “skater” and “emo” culture) simply “for comfort.” Another respondent avoided dark and alternative styles to “avoid negative stigmas” and possible associations with low intelli gence related to group think. However, the majority of the respondents who said they avoid alternative styles were unable to explain their aversion. Mentions of dislike of alternative clothing were often supplied first and with little hesitation, suggesting that this is a somewhat automatic and marked dislike for those respondents.

One respondent said he avoids wearing black and looking gothic because his friends do not wear those styles, suggesting a fear of ostracism when wearing alternative clothing. In a similar vein, one respondent included that he “doesn’t want to lead people to believe he is dark.” A 23-year-old Caucasian respondent, when asked if he avoided any styles of clothing, said: “Gothic stuff for sure, dark clothing or Hot Topic stuff. I don’t want to be associated with them and I hate the people that wear that stuff, like spiked belts.” This type of sentiment occurred almost exclusively among Caucasian respondents from middle- and

upper-middle-class backgrounds. The fear of social scrutiny and

ostracism, along with a general stigma regarding alternative and

counter-culture, appears to be the most common motivation for avoiding alternative styles.

Aversion to gangster styles

Gangster styles were mentioned often, and responses often indicated social and racial prejudices, in addition to the fear of social judgment. Many respondents associated “big” and “baggy” clothing with gangster style. Race emerged as a definite component of this aversion. All but one of the respondents who listed gangster style as an avoided style identified as Caucasian. One respondent directly indicted his aversion to wearing clothes “a black person would wear,” suggesting that affiliation with the African American culture would be undesirable. Other variants included an av ersion to “swag gear” and “thug style.” Another respondent even used a variant of a racial slur to express his avoidance of

gangster-inflected styles. The respondents supplied little additional justification for avoiding this style, and when asked to expound on their preference, three claimed that they were unable to provide further information.

Aversion to gay styles

Three respondents expressed avoiding clothing that could be regarded as “gay.” The wearing of skinny jeans, jean shorts, V-neck shirts, or cardigans was perceived as indicative of homosexuality, according to

the interview data. The inclusion of these items of clothing specifically indicates an association of form-fitting clothing and low necklines with effeminacy and gay culture. Respondents expressed a desire to represent themselves accurately, and those who claimed to avoid gay-inflected clothing suggested that it was undesirable on the grounds that (1) they disliked gay culture, (2) they wanted to express their heterosexuality, and (3) they wanted to avoid speculation from others that they were homosexual. In this regard, homophobic sentiments, a desire for accurate self-representation, and a fear of social judgment all seemed to be components of these respondents’ desire to avoid clothing per ceived as being worn by gay men. Another respondent said that he refused to wear any clothing from the “women’s section,” and though this does not necessary relate to the avoidance of gay style, it does represent an

often-related fear of gender-role deviation. Thus, an avoided self and avoidance behavior were important factors in clothing choice, supporting earlier findings from Hogg and Banister’s (2001) study in which dislikes and distastes of college men were associated with negative symbolic consumption. This sentiment is demonstrated by another respondent’s notion that said, “you know that there are certain things that you don’t want to buy because you don’t want to project yourself in a negative way.” They proposed that a greater understanding of the impact of negative symbolic consumption on consumers product rejection could

help the development of companies marketing communication strategies.

Cultural background and the avoided self

Demographics indicated different trends in responses among respondents. The four Chinese men who participated were largely unable to produce responses regarding avoided clothing and styles. One of these respondents said he only avoids clothing that is “too colorful or fashionable” because “it is not his style.” Another said he only avoids “hip-hop clothing” because it does not match his serious personality. The other two respondents said that there were no types of clothing or styles they avoided. These sentiments contrast greatly with the responses from American students, all but one of whom listed one or several types of avoided clothing and styles.

Furthermore, the brief elaborations the Chinese students supplied regarding the reason they avoid clothing related to issues of personal identity, with no mention of social or cultural motivations for doing so. This indicates that the avoidance of styles due to fears of social castigation and negative group associations could hold as a phenomenon more prevalent in the United States than in China.

The college-aged men in this study expressed a desire for clothing that is comfortable, gives them confidence, and meets the expectations of their surroundings. These men recognized that their clothing was one

representation of their identities. Thus, the results suggest that college men are driven largely by a desire for comfort and to meet normative expectations. These findings are supported by the supposition that “men dress for fit and comfort rather than for style”, made by Craik (1994) and confirmed by Bakewell et al. (2006). These attributes for college men’s clothing choice seem to be quite different from those for young women, who largely make their choices based on brand (fit, look, and style) (Taylor and Cosenza 2002). The driving force for college men’s clothing choice is seemingly functional rather than decorative (Kacen 2000), even if they have become more appearance-conscious. Overall, the positive connection between young men’s individual identities and their clothing choices parallels previous research on the relationship between young professional men’s perceptions of work identity and their dress choices (Kang et al. 2011), and on the link between young peopl e’s clothing choices and the identity of the groups to which they belong (Piacentini and Mailer 2004).

A minority of respondents avoided certain types of clothing because they felt it was incongruent with their styles. Their aversion to clothing that appears to belong to alternative, gangster, or gay styles suggests that these men strived to avoid clothing that implied identities viewed as non-conformist, non-professional, and unusual. These men indicated that their clothing choices were perhaps motivated by a desire to fit in with

others. Their aversion to clothing styles that communicated incongruent identities implies that deviations from cultural, class, race, and

gender-related norms were undesirable.

翻译：

大学男装时尚

简要回顾服装社会心理学的文献显示,年轻女性比男性更多的成为研究参与者。这可能是在主修服装设计和服装销售上女性远多于男性,因此比男性更容易成为研究参与者。不管什么原因使得女性为研究参与者,对女性的关注导致对男性的研究缺乏。,雷利和陆克文(2007)报告研究调查了男装的偏好和习惯程度低于女性。男性对时尚的思想和它的重要性在他们的生活中一直被忽视。尽管对男性的研究有限,消费者团体组成的大学生是支出男性服装及配件方面重要的商业营销人员。根据Statista研究在美国2012年男装商品支出为222亿美元。男人购买的鞋子最多,其次是衬衫和西装。以前的研究也表明,男性对时尚的兴趣正在上升,导致男装销售增加。

在历史上,女性比男性更关注外表,但近年来似乎已经改变这种趋势开始关注男性的外表。具体地说,男性在这一时代已经被大众媒体和社会化营销活动影响有意识的外,导致服装消费(Kacen帕特森和艾略特2000;2000)。年轻人通常用衣服来交流他们的身份(2012年雨水),和他们的愿望向沟通这可能影响他们的服装消费(Kang et al . 2011年)。适龄男性的身份和他们之间的关系理解服装的选择为服装营销人员提供了有用的信息制定有效战略生产和市场的衣服按照这一群体的共同的价值观努力识别。

根据霍格和栏杆(2001),个人可以有积极的参考点(即。,理想的最终状态)或负面的参考点(即。不受欢迎的结束状态),他们用来实现所需的身份。到目前为止,许多研究已经进行的积极方面消费者的消费选择。缺乏研究消费选择的负面激励我们去质疑他们对消费者行为的影响。消费者的回避行为进一步允许他们创建他们自己和他们之间的距离不受欢迎的身份(霍格和栏杆2001),住在阈值所需的身份。因此,本研究的重点是大学男人避免服装和风格。一个探索性研究男人中西部大学参加一个专业。探索性研究结果的基础上,进一步研究研究面试问题将会适当地修改解决研究问题。

探索性研究的目的是调查什么男人喜欢服装学院身份他们通过服装、实现什么,他们希望避免在他们的服装选择。我们的研究问题如下:(1)适龄男性的服装反映出他们的身份,通过他们的服装选择他们想表达什么?和(2)不受欢迎的身份(避免自我的相关方面)适龄男性避免在服装的选择吗?

文献综述

社会认同理论

社会认同理论概念化的Tajfel和特纳(1979)是指感知人所属团体的身份(Tajfel 1982)。社会认同理论认为一个人的自我概念是基于他或她的组成员关系。这个理论包括两个维度:社会身份和个人身份(Howard Tajfel 2000;2000)。社会身份反映了不同社会群体的成员(如。、俱乐部、

社会阶层),个人身份代表着独特的属性,区分一个人从另一个(Howard Tajfel 2000;2000)。在复杂的社会环境中,年轻人可以使用他们的认同群(即。,自己组)与外群体(即。其他团体)(1987年Ogilvie)外表(即一致。,总合成图像由服装)和所需的社会群体,区别自己和不受欢迎的,或者回避,参照群体(栏杆和何克2004)。因此,社会身份为年轻人提供状态,增强他们的自尊。

研究使用社会认同理论研究的影响男性的身份(即使用衣服。对象添加到身体),所有材料。例如,康et al .(2011)用社会认同理论作为理论框架研究工作身份的年轻职业男性的看法之间的关系和他们的衣服的使用。他们发现年轻男子对自己的工作感到不完整的身份使用礼服作为构建自己的身份象征。因此,在本研究中,我们使用社会认同理论作为研究的理论基础大学男子身份之间的关系和他们的服装选择。

男人的身份与时尚

根据Kratz和雷蒙(1998)、时尚充满意义和符号,通过它人们可以直观地相互通信的快速和直接的方式。时尚自我使人们表达自己的观点和他们的身份通过使用服装;它允许他们形象的传达他们是谁,他们想要谁,什么类型的社会群体他们想属于,并且他们不想与最相关(雨水2012)。此外,班尼特(2005)指出,时尚是人们可以通过哪些渠道最容易表达自己的身份。难以言表,人们可以通过衣服和时尚表达自己,从而创建自己的社会身份。时尚的重要作用为人们提供手段构建、形状、和沟通他们的身份在较大的城市尤其突出,他们“与成群的陌生人,只有短暂的时刻给他们留下深刻印象”(贝内特2005,p 2005)。

男人认为自己通过不同的方式。例如,有些人可能认为自己通过他们的身体外表,而其他人可能显示他们身份的衣服;Hathcote和金姆(2008)指出,男性表示自己通过他们的着装。此外,许多人关心他们每天穿以及他们如何穿它也关心别人怎么看待他们。大学生作为校园社会的一部分,也花时间在他们如何着装。一些男学生喜欢在学校穿着运动裤和宽松的篮球短裤,而其他人则喜欢穿马球衬衫和休闲裤。男大学生的方式选择自己的服装为学校代表他们不同的个性和身份。例如,一些男生穿运动的衣服来炫耀他们的男子气概。这是符合Lunceford(2010,第66页),他认为“男学生选择一个特定的服饰,因为这让他们感觉如何或因为它轻视他们认为身体的吸引力方面,强调他们的最佳特性。”

相关研究人员进行的研究的重要性,服装和时尚的身份创造和交流。例如,Piacentini和梅勒(2004)发现,在英国的年轻人往往要用服装表达相似性和组织他们希望被识别,和一个通道建立潜在的友谊。斯科菲尔德和施密特(2005)检查衣服用于构建的重要性和沟通男同性恋者的个人和组身份曼彻斯特受访者的一个示例。他们的个人通过不同层次(即同性恋身份。社区层面,neo-tribal水平,和态势级),发现同性恋身份出现在服装的选择。在他们的研究中,同性恋身份共享在同性恋社区层面表达“同性恋”他人;在neo-tribal层面上展示“属于”一个社会同性恋群体共享经验和情感,并在情境层面使自己融入无论他们在哪里(斯科菲尔德和施密特2005)。

如前所述,年轻人在复杂的社会环境中可以使用他们的认同群和外群体(1987年Ogilvie)使外表与所需的社会群体,区别自己和不受欢迎的,或者回避,参照群体(栏杆和何克2004)。在他们的研究中接受调查的英国消费者,栏杆和霍格(2004)发现,许多消费者穿的衣物(如安全。,简单的衣服,这将被积极),以避免谴责而不是危险的物品。如果这样愚蠢的恐惧和消极的注意力出现在男性消费者,其中某些共性可以被识别。艾斯勒,斯基德莫尔(1987)提出,男性性别角色的期望导致担忧缺乏运动,情感亲密,亲密和其他男人(或恐同症),和失败。unathletic,如果女性,无能的人代表认为男性不受欢迎,符号标识符的特征可以表明年轻人的标签,避免参照群体和“避免自我。“因此,男装时尚保守主义(即。根据社会规范,穿男性化的方式)可以部分归因于广义害怕出现“女性化”(Kimmel 1994)。

对其另类风格

另类风格的厌恶是伴随着一些基本原理。一位受访者说,他避免紧身牛仔裤(通常与“溜冰者”

和“情绪摇滚”文化)简单的“寻求安慰。”另一位被调查者避免黑暗和替代样式”避免消极偏见”和可能的关联较低的智力与群体思维有关。然而,大多数的受访者表示,他们避免另类风格无法解释他们的厌恶。提到不喜欢另类服装通常是先提供,毫不犹豫地说这是一个自动又明显不喜欢那些受访者。

一位受访者说,他避免了穿黑色,哥特,因为他的朋友不穿那些风格,暗示恐惧排斥当穿另类的衣服。同样,一位受访者中,他“不想让人们相信他是黑暗。“被一个23岁的白人,当问他是否避免了任何风格的衣服,说:“哥特的东西当然,深色衣服或热门话题的东西。我不想与他们和我讨厌的人穿的东西,像飙升腰带。“这种类型的情绪几乎只发生在中产阶级和上层中产阶级家庭的白人受访者的背景。社会监督的恐惧和排斥,以及一般的耻辱关于替代和反文化,似乎是最常见的动机避免另类风格。

对黑帮风格

黑帮风格经常被提到,和响应通常表明社会和种族偏见,除了社会判断的恐惧。许多受访者相关的“大”和“宽松”与黑帮风格服装。这厌恶的种族成为一个明确的组成部分。受访者列出的所有但一个黑帮风格作为避免风格确认为白种人。一位受访者直接起诉他厌恶穿衣服“黑人穿”表明关系的非裔美国人的文化是不可取的。其他变体包括讨厌“赃物装置”和“暴徒的风格。”另一位被调查者甚至用的一个变体是种族歧视来表达他避免gangster-inflected风格。受访者提供额外的理由避免这种风格,要求阐述他们的偏好时,三个声称他们无法提供进一步的信息。

厌恶同性恋的风格

三个受访者表示避免服装可以被视为“同性恋。“的穿着紧身牛仔裤,牛仔短裤,v领衬衫,或羊毛衫被视为表明同性恋,根据面试数据。将这些衣物特别指出一个合体的服装协会和低领口柔弱和同性恋文化。受访者表示希望代表自己准确,那些声称避免gay-inflected服装表明,这是不可取的,因为他们不喜欢同性恋文化(1),(2)他们想表达他们的异性恋,和(3)他们想避免别人的猜测,他们是同性恋。在这方面,同性恋情绪,渴望准确的自我形象,害怕社会判断似乎是所有组件这些受访者的为了避免穿的服装被认为是同性恋者。另一位被调查者说,他拒绝穿任何衣服的“女性的部分,虽然这并不必要与避免同性恋风格,它代表着那些害怕性别角色偏差。因此,一个避免自我和回避行为在服装选择的重要因素,支持早期的发现从霍格和栏杆(2001)研究不喜欢和厌恶的大学人与消极的象征性消费。这情绪表现在另一个被调查者的观点说,“你知道有些事情你不想买,因为你不想项目自己负面的方式。“他们提出更好地了解负面符号消费的影响消费者的产品拒绝可以帮助公司的发展营销传播策略。

文化背景和避免自我

人口统计数据表明不同反应受访者的趋势。四个中国男人参与在很大程度上无法产生反应关于避免服装和风格。这些受访者表示他只避免服装是“太丰富多彩或时尚”,因为“这不是他的风格。”另一个说他只是避免“嘻哈服装”,因为它不匹配他严重的人格。其他两个受访者认为没有他们避免类型的衣服或样式。这些情绪反差极大地与美国学生的反应,除了其中一个列出的一个或多个类型的避免服装和风格。

此外,简要论述中国学生提供关于他们避免服装相关问题的原因的个人身份,没有提到社会或文化动机。这表明避免风格由于社会惩罚的恐惧和消极组关联可以持有一个现象更普遍在美国比在中国。

结论

研究中的适龄男性表达了渴望的服装是舒适的,给他们信心,并符合周围环境的期望。这些人意识到他们的服装是他们的身份代表之一。因此,结果表明,大学人受渴望舒适和满足规范性的期望。这些发现支持了假设,“男人合适且舒服的衣服,而不是风格”,由Craik(1994)和证实了贝克韦尔et al .(2006)。这些属性为大学男装选择似乎完全不同于那些年轻女性,很大程度上

让他们的选择基于品牌(适合,看,和样式)(泰勒和科森扎2002)。大学的驱动力男装选择看似功能而不是装饰(Kacen 2000),即使他们已经变得更到。总的来说,年轻人之间的积极联系的个人身份和他们的服装选择先前的研究在相似工作身份的年轻职业男性的看法之间的关系和他们的礼服选择(Kang et al . 2011年),和年轻人的服装选择之间的联系和它们所属的组的身份(Piacentini和梅勒2004)。

少数受访者避免某些类型的衣服,因为他们认为这是不一致的与他们的风格。他们厌恶的衣服似乎属于另类,黑帮,或者同性恋的风格表明这些人努力避免衣服暗示身份视为非常规思维,非专业,不同寻常。这些人表示,他们的服装选择或许出于符合他人的愿望。传达他们对服装风格不一致的身份意味着偏离文化、阶级、种族和性别规范是不可取的。