2003年考研英语阅读全文翻译

2003年考研英语阅读全文翻译
2003年考研英语阅读全文翻译

2003

Text 1

Wild Bill Donovan would have loved the Internet. The American spymaster who built the Office of Strategic Services in the World War and later laid the roots for the CIA was fascinated with information. Donovan believed in Ⅱusing whatever tools came to hand in the "great game" of espionage — spying as a "profession". These days the Net, which has already re-made such everyday pastimes as buying books and sending mail, is reshaping Donovan's vocation as well.

The latest revolution isn't simply a matter of gentlemen reading other gentlemen's e-mail. That kind of electronic spying has been going on for decades. In the past three or four years, the World Wide Web has given birth to a whole industry of point-and-click spying. The spooks call it "open-source intelligence", and as the Net grows, it is becoming increasingly influential. In 1995 the CIA held a contest to see who could compile the most data about Burundi. The winner, by a large margin, was a tiny Virginia company called Open Source Solutions, whose clear advantage was its mastery of the electronic world. Among the firms making the biggest splash in this new world is Straitford, Inc., a private intelligence-analysis firm based in Austin, Texas. Straitford makes money by selling the results of spying (covering nations from Chile to Russia) to corporations like energy-services firm McDermott International. Many of its predictions are available online at https://www.360docs.net/doc/8915437035.html,.

Straiford president George Friedman says he sees the online world as a kind of mutually reinforcing tool for both information collection and distribution, a spymaster's dream. Last week his firm was busy vacuuming up data bits from the far corners of the world and predicting a crisis in Ukraine. "As soon as that report runs, we'll suddenly get 500 new Internet sign-ups from Ukraine," says Friedman, a former political science professor. "And we'll hear back from some of them." Open-source spying does have its risks, of course, since it can be difficult to tell good information from bad. That's where Straitford earns its keep.

Friedman relies on a lean staff of 20 in Austin. Several of his staff members have military-intelligence backgrounds. He sees the firm's outsider status as the key to its success. Straitford's briefs don't sound like the usual Washington back-and-forthing, whereby agencies avoid dramatic declarations on the chance they might be wrong. Straitford, says Friedman, takes pride in its independent voice.

比尔·多诺汶肯定会喜欢网络。这位美国间谍大王对情报着迷,他曾经在第二次世界大战时建立了战略事务办公室,后来又为中央情报局的成立打下了基础。多诺汶相信,在谍报职业这个“大游戏”中可以使用任何手段。如今,互联网已经改变了买书和寄信这样的日常活动,也正在改变多诺汶曾经从事的这个职业。

最近的这次革命性的改变不仅仅是一个人偷看别人的电子邮件的问题,这样的电子间谍活动已经存在了数十年。在过去的三四年中,国际互联网已经派生出一个可称为点击谍报的完整的产业。间谍们把它称为“公开来源情报”。随着互联网的增长,这样的情报变得越来越有影响力。1995年中央情报局举办了一个竞赛,看谁能够收集到关于“布隆迪”的最多信息。胜者胜出了一大截,却是弗吉尼亚的一家小公司,名为“公开来源解决方案”,它的明显优势是它对电子世界的把握。

在这个新的电子世界中最引起轰动的是一个叫司特雷福的公司,它是得克萨斯州奥斯汀市的一个私营的情报分析公司。该公司的业务是将覆盖全球各个国家的情报销售给“麦克德莫国际”这样的能源公司。它的许多预测在网上都可以查阅,网址https://www.360docs.net/doc/8915437035.html,。

该公司的总裁乔治·弗莱德曼说,他把网络世界视为情报收集和情报发布两方面相互增强的工具,是间谍们的梦想。上周,他的公司正在从远在世界的另一角落收集零散的信息,并预测在乌克兰将发生一场危机。“一旦这个报道发布,我们将从乌克兰突然新增500个浏览用户,”弗莱德曼,一位前政治科学教授说,“我们将听到其中一些人的回应。”当然公开来源的谍报活动的确有它的风险,因为很难区分正确与错误的信息。这正是司特雷福公司挣饭吃的地方。

弗莱德曼只在奥斯汀市雇用了为数不多的雇员。其中的一些有军事情报工作背景。他把公司的“局外人”地位视为它成功的关键。司特雷福公司的简报听上去不像华盛顿当局常常提供的躲闪的言辞,政府机构往往避免发布引人注目的言论,因为这些言论可能出错。弗莱德曼说,司特雷福公司为其独立的声音而感到自豪。

2003 Text 2

To paraphrase 18th-century statesman Edmund Burke, "all that is needed for the triumph of a misguided cause is that good people do nothing." One such cause now seeks to end biomedical research because of the theory that animals have rights ruling out their use in research. Scientists need to respond forcefully to animal rights advocates, whose arguments are confusing the public and thereby threatening advances in health knowledge and care. Leaders of the animal rights movement target biomedical research because it depends on public funding, and few people understand the process of health care research. Hearing allegations of cruelty to animals in research settings, many are perplexed that anyone would deliberately harm an animal.

For example, a grandmotherly woman staffing an animal rights booth at a recent street fair was distributing a brochure that encouraged readers not to use anything that comes from or is tested in animals —no meat, no fur, no medicines. Asked if she opposed immunizations, she wanted to know if vaccines come from animal research. When assured that they do, she replied, "Then I would have to say yes." Asked what will happen when epidemics return, she said, "Don't worry, scientists will find some way of using computers." Such well-meaning people just don't understand.

Scientists must communicate their message to the public in a compassionate, understandable way —in human terms, not in the language of molecular biology. We need to make clear the connection between animal research and a grandmother's hip replacement, a father's bypass operation, a baby's vaccinations, and even a pet's shots. To those who are unaware that animal research was needed to produce these treatments, as well as new treatments and vaccines, animal research seems wasteful at best and cruel at worst.

Much can be done. Scientists could "adopt" middle school classes and present their own

research. They should be quick to respond to letters to the editor, lest animal rights misinformation go unchallenged and acquire a deceptive appearance of truth. Research institutions could be opened to tours, to show that laboratory animals receive humane care. Finally, because the ultimate stakeholders are patients, the health research community should actively recruit to its cause not only well-known personalities such as Stephen Cooper, who has made courageous statements about the value of animal research, but all who receive medical treatment. If good people do nothing there is a real possibility that an uninformed citizenry will extinguish the precious embers of medical progress.

18世纪政治家埃德蒙·柏克曾说过类似这样的话,“一个被误导的事业如果要成功,它惟一需要的是好人无所作为”。一个这样的事业现在正在寻求终止生物医学的研究,因为有这样一种理论说,动物享有权利禁止它们被用于实验。科学家应该对动物权利鼓吹者做出强有力的回应,因为他们的言论混淆了公众的视听,从而威胁到卫生知识和卫生服务的进步。动物权利运动的领导者将矛头指向生物医学研究,原因在于它依赖公共资金的资助,并且很少有人懂得医学研究的过程。当人们听到医学实验虐待动物的指控时,许多人都不明白为什么有人会故意伤害动物。

例如,在近期的一次集市上,一位老奶奶站在动物权利宣传点前散发小册子,规劝人们不要使用动物制品和动物实验制品——肉类,毛皮,药物。当被问到她是否反对免疫接种时,她问疫苗是否来自动物实验。当被告知的确如此,她回答道,“那么我不得不说,是的,我反对接种”。当被问到瘟疫爆发怎么办时,她说,“不用担心,科学家会找到一种方法,用计算机来解决问题”。看,这样好心的人们就是不明白。

科学家必须把他们的意思传达给公众,并且要使用有同情心和通俗易懂的语言,一般人能够明白的语言,而不要使用分子生物学的语言。我们需要说明动物实验与祖母的髋骨更换、父亲的心脏搭桥、婴儿的免疫接种、甚至宠物的注射针剂都密切相关。许多人不明白获得这些新的治疗方法和疫苗都必须进行动物实验。对于他们来说,动物实验说得好是浪费,说得不好是残忍。

有很多事情可以做。科学家可以进入中学课堂,展示他们的实验结果。他们应该对报刊的读者来信及时做出反应,以防止动物权利的误导言论在毫无质疑的情况下横行,从而获得一副真理的面容。科研机构应该对外开放,让人参观,向人们展示实验室里的动物获得了人道的对待。最后,因为最终决定因素是病人,医疗研究机构不仅应该积极争取斯蒂芬·库柏这样的名人的支持——他对动物实验的价值勇敢地进行了肯定——而且应该争取所有接受治疗的病人的支持。如果好人无所作为,一群不明真相的公众真的有可能扑灭医学进步的宝贵火种。

2003 Text 3

In recent years, railroads have been combining with each other, merging into super systems, causing heightened concerns about monopoly. As recently as 1995, the top four railroads accounted for under 70 percent of the total ton-miles moved by rails. Next year, after a series of mergers is completed, just four railroads will control well over 90 percent of all the freight moved by major rail carriers.

Supporters of the new super systems argue that these mergers will allow for substantial cost reductions and better coordinated service. Any threat of monopoly, they argue, is removed by fierce competition from trucks. But

many shippers complain that for heavy bulk commodities traveling long distances, such as coal, chemicals, and grain, trucking is too costly and the railroads therefore have them by the throat.

The vast consolidation within the rail industry means that most shippers are served by only one rail company. Railroads typically charge such "captive" shippers 20 to 30 percent more than they do when another railroad is competing for the business. Shippers who feel they are being overcharged have the right to appeal to the federal government's Surface Transportation Board for rate relief, but the process is expensive, time consuming, and will work only in truly extreme cases.

Railroads justify rate discrimination against captive shippers on the grounds that in the long run it reduces everyone's cost. If railroads charged all customers the same average rate, they argue, shippers who have the option of switching to trucks or other forms of transportation would do so, leaving remaining customers to shoulder the cost of keeping up the line. It's theory to which many economists subscribe, but in practice it often leaves railroads in the position of determining which companies will flourish and which will fail. "Do we really want railroads to be the arbiters of who wins and who loses in the marketplace?" asks Martin Bercovici, a Washington lawyer who frequently represents shipper.

Many captive shippers also worry they will soon be hit with a round of huge rate increases. The railroad industry as a whole, despite its brightening fortunes, still does not earn enough to cover the cost of the capital it must invest to keep up with its surging traffic. Yet railroads continue to borrow billions to acquire one another, with Wall Street cheering them on. Consider the $10.2 billion bid by Norfolk Southern and CSX to acquire Conrail this year. Conrail's net railway operating income in 1996 was just $427 million, less than half of the carrying costs of the transaction. Who's going to pay for the rest of the bill? Many captive shippers fear that they will, as Norfolk Southern and CSX increase their grip on the market.

近年来,铁路公司相互联合,组成了超大型集团,引起人们对垄断行为的极大关注。近至1995年,四家大型铁路公司占有整个铁路运输业务的约70%。到明年,一系列兼并活动完成之后,四家铁路公司将控制90%以上的铁路运输业务。

支持组建超大型铁路集团的人认为,兼并将带来成本的大幅降低,服务项目的更好协调。他们认为,在公路运输的激烈竞争面前,垄断的威胁已经不复存在。但许多客户却抱怨说,对于依赖长途运输的大宗商品来说,如煤炭、化学制品和粮食,由于公路运输花费太大,这样铁路公司就会“掐他们的脖子”。

铁路运输业内的大规模联合意味着多数客户将会依赖一家公司的服务。通常,铁路公司对这些“被控”客户的收费要比有另一铁路公司竞争业务时多20%~30%。如果客户感到他们被多收费,他们有权上诉到联邦政府的“陆路运输局”以争取价格下调。但这个过程耗财、耗时,并且只有在真正极端特殊的情况下才有作用。

铁路公司对“被控”客户进行区别对待的依据是,从长远来看,这样做会降低所有人的成本。他们认为,如果铁路公司向所有客户收取同样的普通价格的话,那么,可以使用公路运输或其他交通工具的客户将会转移,使剩下的客户来承担铁路正常运作的开销。这种理论得到了多数经济学家的认同,但在实际操作中,它使铁路公司获得了一个决定谁败谁荣的权利。“我们是否真的想让铁路公司成为在市场上决定谁败谁荣的裁决者呢?”马丁·贝科维奇问道。他是一位常常代表铁路客户的华盛顿律师。

许多“被控”客户还担心他们很快将遭遇一轮新的大幅涨价。从整体来说,虽然铁路行业有耀眼的资产,但它的收入仍然不足以支付为满足不断增长的运输需要而进行的固定资产投资。然而铁路公司仍然继续贷款数十亿美元来进行相互兼并,而华尔街也鼓励它们这样做。请想一想今年南诺弗克公司和CSX公司为兼并康雷尔公司所花的102亿美元吧。康雷尔公司1996年铁路运营纯收入为4.27亿美元,这还不足这宗交易运作成本的一半。谁来支付其余的费用?许多“被控”客户担心他们会,因为南诺弗克和CSX公司将增加对市场的控制。2003 Text 4

It is said that in England death is pressing, in Canada inevitable and in California optional. Small wonder. Americans' life expectancy has nearly doubled over the past century. Failing hips can be replaced, clinical depression controlled, cataracts removed in a 30-minute surgical procedure. Such advances offer the aging population a quality of life that was unimaginable when I entered medicine 50 years ago. But not even a great health-care system can cure death — and our failure to confront that reality now threatens this greatness of ours. Death is normal; we are genetically programmed to disintegrate and perish, even under ideal conditions. We all understand that at some level, yet as medical consumers we treat death as a problem to be solved. Shielded by third-party payers from the cost of our care, we demand everything that can possibly be done for us, even if it's useless. The most obvious example is late-stage cancer care. Physicians —frustrated by their inability to cure the disease and fearing loss of hope in the patient — too often offer aggressive treatment far beyond what is scientifically justified.

In 1950, the US spent $12.7 billion on health care. In 2002, the cost will be $1540 billion. Anyone can see this trend is unsustainable. Yet few seem willing to try to reverse it. Some scholars conclude that a government with finite resources should simply stop paying for medical care that sustains life beyond a certain age — say 83 or so. Former Colorado governor Richard Lamm has been quoted as saying that the old and infirm "have a duty to die and get out of the way", so that younger, healthier people can realize their potential.

I would not go that far. Energetic people now routinely work through their 60s and beyond, and remain dazzlingly productive. At 78, Viacom chairman Sumner Redstone jokingly claims to be 53. Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O'Connor is in her 70s, and former surgeon general C.Everett Koop chairs an Internet start-up in his 80s. These leaders are living proof that prevention works and that we can manage the health problems that come naturally with age. As a mere 68-year-old, I wish to age as productively as they have.

Yet there are limits to what a society can spend in this pursuit. As a physician, I know the most costly and dramatic measures may be ineffective and painful. I also know that people in Japan and Sweden, countries that spend far less on medical care, have achieved longer, healthier lives than we have. As a nation, we may be overfunding the quest for unlikely cures while underfunding research on humbler therapies that could improve people's lives.

据说,在英国死亡很紧迫,在加拿大死亡不可避免,在加利福尼亚死亡可以选择。难怪,在过去的一个世纪里,美国人的寿命几乎翻了一番。髋骨不行了可以更换,临床的忧郁症得到了控制,白内障仅用30分钟手术便可以切除。这些进步给老年人口带来的高质量生活在50年前我刚从事医学时是不可想像的。但是即使有一个伟大的医疗卫生体系,死亡也是无法战胜的——而我们不能面对这个现实,正危及我们自身的伟大。死亡是正常的;我们的基因决定我们即使在最理想的环境里也会解体和灭亡。我们所有人在某种程度上都懂得这一点,但

是作为医疗消费者,我们常将死亡视为一个问题来解决。由于医疗费用由第三方支付,我们常常要求用尽所有的医疗手段,即使它们不会有任何作用。最明显的例子是晚期癌症的治疗。医生由于不能治愈疾病,同时又担心病人失去希望,常常采用极端大胆的治疗方法,这些方法远远超出了科学能够认同的界限。

1950年,美国在医疗卫生方面的开支是127亿美元。2002年,这项开支将达到15400亿。任何人都明白这个趋势不可持续,但是很少有人愿意扭转它。有些学者总结说,如果政府资金有限,它应该停止支付延缓某一个年龄以上人群寿命的医疗费用——比如83岁左右。据说,科罗拉多州前州长理查德·拉姆曾经说,老年多病者“有责任死去和让位”,以让更年轻、更健康的人们去发挥他们的潜能。

我不会说得这么绝对,毕竟现在精力充沛的人们通常能工作到60岁,甚至更久,并仍然具有惊人的创造力。78岁的Viacom公司总裁萨姆勒·雷斯顿开玩笑说他只有53岁。最高法院法官桑德拉·欧康奈70有余,前卫生局医务主任C·库普80来岁还出任了一个互联网公司的总裁。这些领导人就是活生生的证据,证明对疾病的防治是有意义的,证明我们能够对付年龄带来的健康问题。作为一名年仅68岁的人,我希望像他们一样在老龄阶段保持创造力。

然而在这样的追求中,一个社会能够承担的费用是有限的。作为一名医生,我深知最昂贵和最激进的手段也可能是无效的和痛苦的。我也深知在医疗开销少得多的日本和瑞典,人们获得了比我们更长的、更健康的寿命。作为一个民族,我们可能在寻求不可能奏效的治疗方法上花钱太多,而在研究能提高人们生活质量的更平常的方法上花钱太少。

考研英语阅读理解全文翻译

Text1 Habits are a funny thing. We reach for them mindlessly, setting our brains on auto-pilot and relaxing into the unconscious comfort of familiar routine. “Not ch In but habit rules the unreflecting herd,” William Wordsworth said in the 19th century. the ever-changing 21st century, even the word “habit” carries a negative connotation. So it seems antithetical to talk about habits in the same context as creativity and innovation. 习惯是件有趣的事情。我们无意识间养成了一些习惯,我们的大脑是自动运 转的,轻松进入熟知套路所带来的不自觉舒适状态。“这并非选择,而是习惯控 制了那些没有思想的人”,这是威廉?华兹华斯(William Wordsworth)19世纪时 说的话。在现在这个日新月异的21世纪,甚至习惯这个词本身也带有负面涵义。 因此,在创造和革新的背景下来谈论习惯,似乎显得有点矛盾。 But brain researchers have discovered that when we consciously develop new habits, we create parallel synaptic paths, and even entirely new brain cells, that can jump our trains of thought onto new, innovative tracks. But don’t bother trying to kil off old habits; once those ruts of procedure are worn into the hippocampus, they there to stay. Instead, the new habits we deliberately ingrain into ourselves create parallel pathways that can bypass those old roads. 但大脑研究人员发现,当我们有意识地培养新的习惯的时候,我们创建了平 行路径,甚至是全新的脑细胞,可以让我们的思路跳转到新的创新轨道上来。但 是,不必费心试图摈弃各种旧习惯;一旦这些程序惯例融进大脑,它们就会留在 那里。相反,我们刻意培养的新习惯会创建平行路径能避开原来那些老路。 “The first thing needed for innovation is a fascination with wonder,” says D Markova, author of “The Open Mind” and an executive change consultant for Professional Thinking Partners. “But we are taught instead to ‘decide,’ just as decide is to kill off president calls himself ‘the Decider.’” She adds, however, that “to all possibilities but one. A good innovational thinker is always exploring the many other possibilities.” 大学英语

2013考研英语全文翻译

2013 Text1 2006 年的一部电影《穿普拉达的女王》有段情节这样演绎:Meryl Streepb 扮演的Miranda Priestly,斥责她毫无吸引力的助手,因为她反映高端时尚并不能感染她,然后Priestly,说明了助手毛衫的深蓝色是如何从时尚展览中慢慢伸展到百货商店再到平价店中,毫无疑问是这个可怜女孩挑选了这件衣服的地方。 Elizabeth Cline 对“快餐时尚”的这三年时尚业管理严密的理念已经非常过时了,或与 Zara,的控诉书《过度装扮》中所描述的狂热不一致。在过去的十几年里,技术的发展使得像 H&M ,Uniqlo等的一些大众市场商标更快地对趋势做出反应,更精确的抢占市场需求。更快地周转意味着更少的库存浪费,更频繁的发布,更高的利润。这些商标煽动那些关心样式而且,他们不做广告,并每隔几周就全部的消费者把衣服当做只洗一到两次的一次性物品, 更新店面的衣服。Cline 认为,这些品牌以极低的价格提供潮流商品的这种行为是在抢劫时尚圈,动摇了这个产业长久以来惯有的季节性。 H&M这次变革的受害者不仅仅是设计者。对于来说,为其全球

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Text1 Habits are a funny thing. We reach for them mindlessly, setting our brains on auto-pilot and relaxing into the u nconscious comfort of familiar routine. “Not choice, but habit rules the unreflecting herd,” William Wordsworth said in the 19th century. In the ever-changing 21st century, even the word “habit” carries a negative connotation. So it seems antithetical to talk about habits in the same context as creativity and innovation. 习惯是件有趣的事情。我们无意识间养成了一些习惯,我们的大脑是自动运转的,轻松进入熟知套路所带来的不自觉舒适状态。“这并非选择,而是习惯控制了那些没有思想的人”,这是威廉?华兹华斯(William Wordsworth)19世纪时说的话。在现在这个日新月异的21世纪,甚至习惯这个词本身也带有负面涵义。因此,在创造和革新的背景下来谈论习惯,似乎显得有点矛盾。 But brain researchers have discovered that when we consciously develop new habits, we create parallel synaptic paths, and even entirely new brain cells, that can jump our trains of thought onto new, innovative tracks. But don’t bother trying to kill off old habits; once those ruts of procedure are worn into the hippocampus, they’re there to stay. Instead, the new habits we deliberately ingrain into ourselves create parallel pathways that can bypass those old roads. 但大脑研究人员发现,当我们有意识地培养新的习惯的时候,我们创建了平行路径,甚至是全新的脑细胞,可以让我们的思路跳转到新的创新轨道上来。但是,不必费心试图摈弃各种旧习惯;一旦这些程序惯例融进大脑,它们就会留在那里。相反,我们刻意培养的新习惯会创建平行路径能避开原来那些老路。 “The first thing needed for innovation is a fascination with wonder,” says Dawna Markova, author of “The Open Mind” and an executive change consultant for Professional Th inking Partners. “But we are taught instead to ‘decide,’ just as our president calls himself ‘the Decider.’ ” She adds, however, that “to decide is to kill off all possibilities but one. A good innovational thinker is always exploring the many other possib ilities.”

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Text 1 ①Of all the changes that have taken place in English-language newspapers during the past quarter-century, perhaps the most far-reaching has been the inexorable decline in the scope and seriousness of their arts coverage. ①It is difficult to the point of impossibility for the average reader under the age of forty to imagine a time when high-quality arts criticism could be found in most big-city newspapers. ②Yet a considerable number of the most significant collections of criticism published in the 20th century consisted in large part of newspaper reviews. ③To read such books today is to marvel at the fact that their learned contents were once deemed suitable for publication in general-circulation dailies. ① We are even farther removed from the unfocused newspaper reviews published in England between the turn of the 20th century and the eve of World War 2,at a time when newsprint was dirt-cheap and stylish arts criticism was considered an ornament to the publications in which it appeared. ②In those far-off days, it was taken for granted that the critics of major papers would write in detail and at length about the events they covered. ③Theirs was a serious business. and even those reviews who wore their learning lightly, like George Bernard Shaw and Ernest Newman, could be trusted to know what they were about. ④These men believed in journalism as a calling, and were proud to be published in the daily press. ⑤So few authors have brains enough or literary gift enough to keep their own end up in ournalism,Newman wrote, "that I am tempted to define "journalism" as "a term of contempt applied by writers who are not read to writers who are". ①Unfortunately, these critics are virtually forgotten. ②Neville Cardus, who wrote for the Manchester Guardian from 1917 until shortly before his death in 1975, is now known solely as a writer of essays on the game of cricket. ③During his lifetime, though, he was also one of England's foremost classical-music critics, and a stylist so widely admired that his Autobiography (1947) became a best-seller. ④He was knighted in 1967, the first music critic to be so honored. ⑤Yet only one of his books is now in print, and his vast body of writings on music is unknown save to specialists. ①Is there any chance that Cardus's criticism will enjoy a revival? ②The prospect seems remote.③Journalistic tastes had changed long before his death, and postmodern readers have little use for the richly uphostered Vicwardian prose in which he specialized. ④Moreover,the amateur tradition in music criticism has been in headlong retreat. 全文翻译: 在过去的25 年英语报纸所发生的变化中,影响最深远的可能就是它们对艺术方面的报道在范围上毫无疑问的缩小了,而且这些报道的严肃程度也绝对降低了。 对于年龄低于40岁的普通读者来讲,让他们想象一下当年可以在许多大城市报纸上读到精品的文艺评论简直几乎是天方夜谭。然而,在20世纪出版的最重要的文艺评论集中,人们读到的大部分评论文章都是从报纸上收集而来。现在,如果读到这些集子,人们肯定会惊诧,当年这般渊博深奥的内容竟然被认为适合发表在大众日报中。

名师解析2008年考研英语阅读理解真题

名师解析2008年考研英语阅读理解真题 点评2008考研阅读理解 上海新东方学校乐柯健 年年岁岁题相似,岁岁年年题不同,这句话诠释了今考研阅读的特点,总体基本保持稳定,接下来笔者就Part A 部分中的文章,题型和解题方法作一个大致分析。 1) 文章难度基本保持稳定 首先考研阅读理解Part A的四篇文章难度依然呈现递增式的现象。前两篇比较简单,后两篇相对较难。这一趋势已经维持了十几年,也就告诉我们09年的考生在考场上的时间分配上可以依循”15,15,20,20”原则--即前两篇每篇15分钟,后两篇每篇20分钟。其次文章在选材上依然以社会科学为主,热点事件为主,如第二篇讲话讲述的一种新型出版方式--网络出版。另外笔者发现因为本世纪以来涉及网络相关的话题的文章很多,如01年第二篇网络可以解决信息分化的问题、03年的第一篇网络间谍、04年的第一篇网络找工作,所以考生应重点关注该领域的热门事件。再次从文章结构上来看,和历年也几乎一样。如第三篇文章讲述的是身高问题,作者就用了”由点到面”这一常见的写作

手法。而这种写作手法从本世纪来几乎年年都考,如01年第五篇讲述简单化生活的文章、03年第一篇讲述网络间谍的文章、04年第三篇讲述美国经济减速的文章、05年第二篇讲述全球变暖的文章、06年Part B讲述赌博的文章、07年第一篇成功并非取决于天才。最后由于我们所考的文章绝大部分选自西方的报刊杂志,而新闻记者惯用”引用”的方法。因此我们的文中会出现大量的专家学者的观点,这就要去考生一定要读懂每个人的各自观点,这也经常是考点所在。如今年第一篇文章的第二题”Dr. Yehudn’s research suggests that women”就是该类型的题目。 2) 题型仍以细节事实题和推理判断题为主 在2005年之前,推理判断在每年的考试中出现3-4题,自2005年开始考研的阅读理解中大量增加了推理和判断题,05年考了8道,06年考了7题,07年考了7题。这一现象持续至今。以今年的考题为例,推理判断依然是考试重点,一共考察了8题(21,27,30,32,33,34,37,39)。考研中另外一个重要的题型是细节事实题,因为考研的特点就是考察精读,,因此细节事实题历年都占据7-8题。今年也不例外,一共考察了7题(22,23,28,29,36,38,40)。从以上分析我们得知,09年的考生应该特别关注这两种题型。 3) 解题方法和历年相似

考研英语阅读翻译1

ase to conduct a broad review of business-method patents. In re Bilski, as the case is known, is “a very big deal,” says Dennis D. Crouch of the University of Missouri School of Law. It “has the potential to eliminate an entire class of patents.” 现在,该国最高专利法院似乎完全准备好要缩减商业方法专利,因为商业方法专利自从十年前第一次批准授予以来一直有争议。在一项使得知识产权律师们议论纷纷的提议中,美国联邦巡回上诉法院声称它将利用某个具体案件来对商业方法专利进行广泛的复审。密苏里大学法学院Dennis D. Crouch说,“正如人们所知道的那样,Bilski案例是一件非常大的事情”它可能将消除整个专利类别”。 Curbs on business-method claims would be a dramatic about-face, because it was the Federal Circuit itself that introduced such patents with its 1998 decision in the so-called State Street Bank case, approving a patent on a way of pooling mutual-fund assets. That ruling produced an explosion in business-method patent filings, initially by emerging Internet companies trying to stake out exclusive rights to specific types of online transactions. Later, more established companies raced to add such patents to their files, if only as a defensive move against rivals that might beat them to the punch. In 2005, IBM noted in a court filing that it had been issued more than 300 business-method patents, despite the fact that it questioned the legal basis for granting them. Similarly, some Wall Street investment firms armed themselves with patents for financial products, even as they took positions in court cases opposing the practice. 对于商业方法诉求的限制是个戏剧性的彻底变化,因为正是联邦巡回法院自己引进了这种专利。那是在1998年,对于所谓的美国道富银行的案件中,联邦巡回法院做出了判决,批准了筹集共同基金资产的方法具有专利权。这一裁决使得商业方法专利文件以几何数级增加,起初只是一些 注:to the punch的英文解释为to the first blow or to decisive action ― usually used with beat 所以这里翻译为“先下手为强”或“抢占先机”。 The Bilski case involves a claimed patent on a method for hedging risk in the energy market. The Federal Circuit issued an unusual order stating that the case would be heard by all 12 of the court’s judges, rather than a typical panel of th ree, and that one issue it wants to evaluate is whether it should “reconsider” its State Street Bank ruling. 前面提到的Bilski案例涉及到一份已申请的方法专利,即关于能源市场的风险规避方 The Federal Circuit’s action comes in the wake of a series of recent decisions by the Supreme Court that has narrowed the scope of protections for patent holders. Last April, for example, the justices signaled that too many patents were being upheld for “inventions” that are obvious. The judges on the Federal Circuit are “reacting to the anti-patent trend at the Supreme Court,” says Harold C. Wegner, a patent attorney and professor at George Washington University Law School. 联邦巡回法院的这一裁决效仿了最高法院。最高法院最近做出了一系列的判决,缩小了专利持有者的受保范围。例如,去年四月,法官们认定太多的专利授予了一些显而易见的

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